The Evolving Civil War: Our Dismal Failure to Remedy Injustice in South Sudan
5 min readBy Dennis E. Paul
Within the core of the civil conflict is a degree of cowardice represented by the killing of unarmed civilians. Recent (January 27, 2014) reports of murdered civilians in Malakal, as the reports of massacres in Juba – and countless other places – are reverberating through world news releases.
Aside from accounts of the terrifying suffering, the events are extinguishing the belief that South Sudan can self-govern.
Additionally, in the background of tribal injustice is the inability of the government to create judicial responses to criminal acts.
Whether we hang our hat on wishful thinking or on an attempt to impose only-you-can-get-South-Sudan-out-of-this-morass, the impetus is to restructure a struggling government whose failings has caused immeasurable suffering. Suppression of party opposition is a poignant observation.
And if there has been tremendous progress in South Sudan [“WHO CARES!” by “Doggie,” PaanLeul Wel blog] then why was there a rebellion?
Will a new government protect South Sudanese or will there be greater unresponsiveness to minority issues?
What force can change – what stimulant can entice change – in the presently discredited government?
A relevant observation of Simon Yel in “The Question of Self Drive Rebellion in South Sudan,” (January 28, 2014, PaanLuel Wel blog): “…the rebellions seeking secession are often driven by their perceived political, economic and cultural oppression.”
And regarding international influence, Simon Yel reports: “[during the 1970s and 1980s, rivalry and competition between super powers] took various forms: supporting governments, overthrowing governments, supporting/opposing political parties, covert activities in support of or in opposition to governments, and supporting, if not initiating rebel movements.
How many complaints?
How many formal complaints regarding human rights violations were submitted to the government of South Sudan? How many went unanswered?
Some argue that the Government of South Sudan is represented by multiple tribes. Mangong Mawien Maddut, in “An Open Lettter to Uncle Adwok Nyaba,” PaanLuel Wel blog (January 29, 2014) provides this:
“… former vice president Dr. Riak Machar was a Nuer, not a Dinka, the current vice President James Wani is a Bari, the former defence minister, John Koang was a Nuer, the former minister of interior Allison Manani Magaya was not a Dinka, security former minister Oyal Deng Ajak is a Shilluk, Pagan Amum who was a secretary general of the ruling party SPLM is a Shilluk, Mamur who is a current minister of security is not a Nuer, the Cabinet minister now is not a Dinka.”
So it is, according to Mangong. But what happened in the Juban government? Are some representatives and administrators more politically mature than others? Are some more receptive to cross-ethnic views? Are some holding distain and envy at the heart of their presence in government? Has competition for political power overwhelmed rational thinking? And are civilians represented not integrated in mind and spirit?
One would ask (with a most humble demeanor) that the SPLM recognize its failure to integrate, whether in attitude of the upper hierarchy or through the lower echelon of power and responsibility. [For more on SPLM reform, see “What is Hot in South Sudan Today? Comprehensive Situation Analysis and Recommendations,” by Malith Alier, January 28, 2014, PaanLuel Wel blog]
One can argue who has fought hardest. Which tribe sacrificed more lives. But now the ideals held in the new nation begs for relief from tribalistic-winner-take-all myopia.
How marginalized were the Nuer?
How many complaints regarding atrocities were voiced?
How can conflicts for competitive interests be resolved? What multi-ethnic agencies/organs will see South Sudan through this horrendous hour of darkness?
In traditional tribal scenarios, rules and laws were broken but were remedied within the tribe. Rules were respected and enforced.
Now, new scenarios, new opportunities and new choices confound South Sudanese.
Transition to the “new cultural world” creates tremendous obstacles. Many obstacles create frustration that cause many to return to the bush. Others are undaunted by obstacles to advancement.
Can we encourage a new course?
Will a new government protect a new society?
Or will we see a redundant blind pursuit of oil revenue.
In reality we are forced to look for the light at the end of the tunnel; not backward toward at the abyss of mistakes.
How can we make self-governance work?
How can we make this thing called South Sudan work?
Is South Sudan going to take a path defined by self-righteous thugs who see no doors of opportunity, but sadistic satisfaction of rule by the gun? By those bound and constrained by illiteracy?
How long would this contamination last?
Will cowardace and inexcusable human rights abuses persist due to an insensitive, undisciplined police force? And by a militia bathed in hate from undeserved suffering?
What would be in the blueprint?
So that children, whether farm or in the city, whether Nuer or Dinka, Shilluk or Merle, Latuka or Zande will live without fear.
What would be in the road map? What are the issues that keep South Sudanese from cooperating? What are the issues that refuse goals of Dinka and Nuer? What issues differ? What issues are similar? Security? Freedom from ethnic violence? A fair shake in the economic fabric of a new nation? What are the goals that Dinka and Nuer Share?
Both Nuer and Dinka have been violated.
For now, can you, Nuer and Dinka, develop sufficient courage and muster enough trust to protect what is left of the communities of innocent – the children – and offer South Sudan relief from hate, malice and rule by the gun? Can militia relieve itself of the hate that is in your hearts? Can the South Sudan military place their hate elsewhere and offer civilians the right to life?
The release of arrested ministers.
Is their retention going to perpetuate a lie. Is this going to be the issue that contaminates all hope for all South Sudanese – ten thousand dead, 500,000 refugees in desperation, waiting for relief from peace signatories? [seven have been released as of January 29, 2014 (Sudan Tribune)]
Rebecca Nyandeng Garang, Presidential adviser on Human Rights and Gender and widow of the late SPLM leader, Dr. John Garang, has urged South Sudan President Salva Kiir to release the detained former ministers. (New Vision, January 29, 2014). Her insights are invaluable.
Addendum: If you have a moment, you might want to look at “Youth group aids conflict-stricken people in South Sudan,” RadioTamazuj, January 24, 2014. It offers a moment of reprieve from malicious deaths and suffering.
The author can be reached at dp10608@gmail.com.
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