Press Release: The Free Citizens Red Flag League’s (FCRFL) Proposed Transitional Government Arrangements for South Sudan (December 2018- December 2020)
Monday, May 21, 2018 (PW) — Despite initial optimism which had followed a 2015 SPLM re- unification commitments made during a meeting convened in Arusha (Tanzania), three years later the odds appear to remain stacked against the probability of South Sudanese refugees going back home soon. Their stay may be for decades to come if militarization of the country continues at current rates.
Having lost parents, watched helplessly when their mothers and sisters were gang-raped by rogue militants from all sides, South Sudanese citizens of all tribes fled for relative safety in neighboring countries. They formed the newer wave of millions of refugees in sub-Saharan Africa.
As the situation continues to deteriorate while the main two warring parties dug in their heels, finding negotiated settlement which is implementable has eluded the region and international community. At the heart of the conflict is lack of trust between the President and senior SPLM cadres who are now in exile; most of whom have formed or supported armed militias to fight back the president and his allies.
South Sudanese citizens are lost in the middle of this security dilemma. There is a strong sense of abandonment among South Sudanese civilians who are left with only two options, fleeing the country or remaining at the mercy of human predators.
As a viable solution to this man-man humanitarian catastrophe seems logically impossible without President Salva Kiir and Dr. Riek Machar’s involvement in any formulation of a future transitional government, the FCRFL hereby strongly suggests that a viable solution may be in changing the system of governance in the country where the President and Vice Presidents are retained for a transitional period, but given non-Executive or limited political powers.
Acknowledging the fact that participation in any imminent government by President Kiir and Dr. Riek seems to be implicitly undulated by both individual leaders as their only safety net against international prosecution for documented war crimes against innocent citizens of the country, it would be judicious to authoritatively adjourn their prosecution in return for their submission to the will of the people of South Sudan, Africa and international community.
However, since justice by its nature cannot and should not be solicited, the existing substantial regional and international instruments of peace imposition, which include UNMISS, RPF, and Eastern African Standby Force, should all be used to enforce justice and save the people of South Sudan whose lives and livelihoods have been wantonly destroyed.
In order to avert prolonged civilian agony, a strong case for immediate humanitarian intervention has to be tabled by the United States or United Kingdom at the level of the United Nations Security Council as-well-as another similar resolution at the AU Peace and Security Council, one which should be convincing enough to Eastern Africa before anywhere else.
As a region which remains behind in terms of capacity to formulate an African solution to an African problem – with the exception of a relatively successful intervention in Somalia, Eastern Africa needs to be hard-pressed towards urgently taking a radical security-based stand against the status quo in South Sudan. Only when existing rifts between Eastern African countries, notably Sudan, Uganda, and Ethiopia are bridged and relegated to secondary status shall a durable solution to South Sudan’s security quandary be found.
A Proposed Transitional Government of National Unity (January 2018-January 2020):
The FCRFL solicits the attention of all stakeholders in the South Sudan’s crisis, including citizens in refugee/IDP/UN Concentration camps and the Diasporas, to support the following formula for reaching peace in the country.
Philosophy of governance: All politicians who were entrusted with governance of South Sudan have let the people down. Hence, responsibility sharing can no longer be sustainable if it is based on historical SPLM seniority which is essentially at the root cause of failure to reach any meaningful agreement. Every individual mentioned in this structure is a trusted South Sudanese who is senior enough to be given the assignment against their names. It will be driven by the motto: “Saving South Sudan.”
- Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU): to be based on the Parliamentary Democracy system headed by an Executive Prime Minister. It shall consist of the following tested and trusted South Sudanese leaders.
- H.E. Dr. Barnaba Marial Benjamin Executive Prime Minister
- H.E.. Nhial Deng Nhial 1st Deputy Prime Minister
- H.E.. Agrey Tisa Sabuni 2nd Deputy Prime Minister
- H.E. Luka Biong Deng 3rd Deputy Prime Minister
- H.E.. Bona Malual Akui 1st Assistant Prime Minister
- H.E.. John Gai Yoh 2nd Assistant Prime Minister
- H.E.. Joseph Bangasi Bakasoro 3rd Assistant Prime Minister
- H.E. Dr. Lam Akol Ajawin Senior Adviser
- H.E. Taban Deng Gai Senior Advisor
- A Non-Executive Presidency: whose task will be to fully cooperate with the Executive body to ensure timely implementation of the Security Arrangements clause of any enforced agreement. It consists of the following individuals in the warring factions, with three Vice presidents who shall be assigned equal responsibilities over governance clusters.
2.1. H.E. Salva Kiir Mayardit President
2.2. H.E. Dr. Riek Machar Teny Vice President
2.3. H.E. James Wani Igga Vice President
2.4. H.E. Pagan Amum Okiech Vice President
- Ministry of Defense: Its main task is to ensure timely cantonment of forces. All assigned Ministers must resign their active duty military ranks before taking their new assignments. This will be done in order to lay the ground for a Civil-Military structure which is to be a nucleus of a future South Sudan where the military is subordinate to a civilian government.
3.1. Hon. Isaac Mobutu Mamur Minister of Defense
3.2. Hon. Dr. Malual Ayom Dor Deputy Minister of Defense
3.3. Hon. Paul Malong Awan Assistant Minister of Defense
3.4. Hon. Thomas Cirillo Swaka Assistant Minister of Defense
3.5. Hon. Pater Gatdet Yak Assistant Minister of Defense
3.6. Hon. Bapiny Monytuil Assistant Minister of Defense
3.7. Hon. Johnson Olony Assistant Minster of Defense
- UNMISS and RPF Representation: It shall be inevitable that the UN Security Council passes a resolution where a more robust mandate is given to their forces to make sure that implementation of the new peace agreement cannot be obstructed by any side.
4.1. RPF: It will be tasked with the following:
4.1.1. Take over full control of security in Juba city while other major towns remain under joint government-UNMISS-RPF control.
4.1.2. Provide personal security to members of the Executive Prime Minister’s Office, Non-Executive Presidency and Ministry of Defense’s senior personnel.
4.2. UNMISS: It will be tasked with the following:
4.2.1. Expeditiously establish and finance cantonment of forces sites.
4.2.2. Finance an extensive DDR (Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration) programme.
4.2.3. Control and setup check points to and from Juba and main towns.
- Tenure: The tenure of the above government shall start from December 2018 through December 2020.
- Mandate: The main mandate of TGoNU shall be to cooperate with the international community and the region to make sure that this agreement is respected and implemented fully.
- Modality of Implementation: Modalities of the agreement shall include pre-transitional government hand-over arrangements. This, including other issues such as Movement and cantonment of forces, redeployment of personnel, etc. shall be the topic of negotiation in the next phase of Revitalization peace talks in Addis Ababa.
- N.B. It is noted that since it is a government tasked with silencing the guns, women , youth and other senior officials in all camps shall be given other ministerial positions.
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