Archive for the ‘Africa’ Category


Indeed, Africa and the world are yet to recover from Sankara’s assassination. Just as we have yet to recover from the loss of Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, Eduardo Mondlane, Amilcar Cabral, Steve Biko, Samora Machel, and most recently John Garang, to name only a few. While malevolent forces have not used the same methods to eliminate each of these great pan-Africanists, they have been guided by the same motive: to keep Africa in chains.

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A Statistically Proven Solution to Prevent Turmoil in Africa

Posted: January 24, 2014 by PaanLuel Wël in Africa

By Teresa Studzinski and Dr. David Leffler

Over the years, many African countries have suffered from turmoil. Tensions are particularly high in the DR Congo, Central African Republic (CAR) and South Sudan. Conflict and violence could soon spill over into bordering countries. If African militaries were to implement Invincible Defense Technology (IDT), the unrest could end. Extensive research shows that IDT, a scientifically verified approach, statistically predicts decreased violence, increased stability, and improvement in standard indicators of the quality of life.

Previous attempts to squelch turmoil by most leaders of African countries were based largely on conjecture, and such was their outcome. It is particularly dangerous to base actions on guesswork. A massive regional firestorm could erupt.

There is an option – a scientifically-validated approach to effectively, efficiently, and quickly end turmoil. If African leaders have the political will to order their militaries to deploy an unusual but effective approach, they no longer need to base actions on guesses.

For political reasons, many African, and not only African, militaries have ignored this unified field-based approach. Despite the success of IDT deployment by Latin American militaries, these militaries are utilizing an obsolete military model. They continue to rely almost solely on outdated non-unified field-based weaponry, rather than on the IDT prevention-based approach. A Harvard Ph.D. thesis is dedicated to the issue describing how renowned conflict resolution experts initially reacted to the IDT solution. One third of the experts rejected statistical research a priori, saying “science had nothing to do with their job.” One third rejected the statistical research because the experiments and field tests challenged their personal beliefs.

This proven method of violence removal is based on peer-reviewed research. The approach has been field-tested by militaries and validated by 23 studies published in peer-reviewed scientific journals. Based on 25 years of research, it has been endorsed by independent scientists and scholars.

Invincible Defense Technology (IDT) is a preventive defense system that creates a biological phenomenon of coherence affecting all the fighting parties, which leads to stability and abundance. The phenomenon is believed to work on the level of the unified field, where all the forces of nature are united. This defense technology supersedes all others based on weaker electronic, chemical, and nuclear forces.

Military personnel in Latin America, Africa and Asia practice group Transcendental Meditation to help protect their nations

IDT involves creating Preventive Wings of the Military. Their warrior’s daily routine includes two hours twice a day practice of a human resource-based technology, also known and researched as the Transcendental Meditation and its advanced TM-Sidhi program. As a military societal coherence-creating unit, they quietly practice these programs for about two hours, twice a day, seven days a week, preferably in a secure location near the targeted population. Their presence and operation does not need to be disclosed to achieve the effect of violence removal and conflict resolution.

The 23 studies carried out in developed and developing nations in all continents, including the Middle East, Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America, constitute the largest and the most successful experiment in social sciences of the 20th century.

Such coherence-creating groups have achieved positive benefits to society, shown statistically, in even just 48 hours. Modern statistical methods used in this research preclude chance or coincidence.

The IDT approach was used during wartime (drop in fighting and in number of deaths and casualties, progress toward resolving the conflict), and in peace (drop in crime rate, drop in violent death index, decrease of misery index, drop in unemployment, rise in a quality of life index). Societies using it perform extremely well in a very short time. This is what decreased the intensity of war in Lebanon in 1984 in a dramatic way in 48 hours, to name only one of the successful experiments.

In 1992, President Joaquim Chissano, Lt. Gen. Tobias Dai, and the Chiefs of Staff of the Mozambique military carefully analyzed the IDT research. They made a unanimous decision to adopt it for their country by training about 3,000 soldiers and 16,000 police.

As predicted, violence disappeared by 1993. Societies using these groups also become more self-sufficient. For instance, in Mozambique the economic growth reached 19%. Once the poorest world country in 1992, by 2000 it had moved up to be the world’s fastest-growing economy.

History has been shaped by technological innovation that was radical at the time. The Roman Empire developed a revolutionary sword. British soldiers used their new menacing muskets. The German war machine required fast engines burning fossil fuels to launch their Blitzkrieg. Powerful atomic weapons as well as the flying devices that carry them have greatly influenced political decisions since World War II.

Such technological innovation is taking place now. At least one Latin American country is training 11,000 military IDT experts. The historical ramifications of this are profound. According to previous research, this number will create a global effect of coherence. By accessing the Unified Field of all the Laws of Nature, this military IDT group will harness the most powerful force in the universe, and hence become the most powerful military in the world – simply by creating a peaceful influence.

If African leaders really desire to move their continent towards prosperity and peace, they should have the courage to order their militaries to use IDT. If they quickly act, Africans throughout the continent can live in peaceful coexistence and collectively help to create lasting world peace.

About the authors:

Teresa Studzinski is the President and Co-founder of The Global Alliance for Preventive Wings in the Military, a 501(c)(3) organization, and CEO of Technology and Transformation LLC. Teresa is an Expert in the Unified Field Technology – IDT Social and Military Application and a member of The Armed Forces Communications and Electronics Association – AFCEA International. She is also a businesswoman and formerly investigative journalist, member of The Foreign Press Association in New York and The National Press Club in Washington, D.C., she travelled widely to interview such political figures as Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, former US National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, Henry Kissinger, and many others.
Dr. David Leffler is the author of “A New Role for the Military: Preventing Enemies from Arising – Reviving an Ancient Approach to Peace.” He received his Ph.D. in Consciousness-Based Military Defense (Invincible Defense Technology – IDT) from The Union Institute & University in Cincinnati. Dr. Leffler was a member of the US Air Force for nearly nine years. He is a member of the U.S. Naval Institute and served as an Associate of the Proteus Management Group at the Center for Strategic Leadership, US Army War College. Dr. Leffler now serves as the Executive Director at the Center for Advanced Military Science (CAMS) and teaches IDT. He is on Twitter.

 


By Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Kulwant Singh and Dr. David Leffler

A new technology of defense is now available that has been scientifically shown to prevent war and create peace by harnessing the deepest level of nature’s functioning.

War is ultimately a human problem requiring a human solution. Experts in the field of conflict resolution maintain that the underlying cause of war is accumulated “social stress” – i.e., mounting political, religious and/or ethnic tensions between rival factions in critical hotspots throughout the world. As social stress builds, divisions grow stronger, groups take sides, diplomats become unable to resolve differences, and enemies arise within or outside the nation. Military force may then be invoked to protect the country, resulting in armed conflict and unpredictable outcomes. But even if conflict temporarily solves the problem for the victor, the social stress remains, fueling future cycles of conflict. In contrast, the absence of collective stress translates into the absence of tension between competing sides, thereby reducing the probability of hostilities.

Today, the military of the South Sudan has an opportunity to overcome the cycle of war by deploying a scientifically verified technology of defense that neutralizes social stress. This new technology is based on the unified field of all the laws of nature – the most fundamental and powerful level of nature’s functioning. The technology accesses and enlivens this unified field through subjective technologies of consciousness, thereby creating a profound influence of coherence and harmony throughout society that results in measurable reductions of crime, terrorism, and war.

The late Maharishi Mahesh Yogi revived systematic subjective technologies for experiencing the unified field, including the Transcendental Meditation program and its advanced techniques. When used in a military context these meditation practices are known as Invincible Defence Technology (IDT). They have been successfully applied by members of many faiths to eliminate conflict. Other militaries in the African region like Mozambique have already applied these non-lethal and non-destructive technologies to reduce collective societal stress and resulting conflict.

Military personnel in Latin America, Africa and Asia practice group Transcendental Meditation to help protect their nations

Over 50 research studies confirm that when the required threshold of IDT experts is crossed – approximately the square root of 1% of a given population – crime goes down, quality of life indices go up, and war and terrorism abate. Scientists have named this phenomenon the Maharishi Effect, since Maharishi Mahesh Yogi first predicted it. The causal mechanism appears to be a field effect of consciousness – a spillover effect on the level of the unified field from the peace-creating group into the larger population.

In 1983, a two-month Maharishi Effect intervention in Israel resulted in a 76% reduction in war deaths in neighboring Lebanon (p < 10-7) when group size exceeded the square root of 1% threshold (Journal of Conflict Resolution). Seven subsequent, consecutive experiments over a two-year period during the peak of the Lebanon war found

  • war-related fatalities decreased by 71% (p < 10-10)
  • war-related injuries fell by 68% (p < 10-6)
  • the level of conflict dropped by 48% (p < 10-8)
  • cooperation among antagonists increased by 66% (p < 10-6)

The likelihood that these combined results were due to chance is less than one part in 1019) (Journal of Social Behavior and Personality). A global-scale study published in the Journal of Offender Rehabilitation documented a 72% drop in international terrorism.

The South Sudan military is responsible for defending its citizens. It can now succeed in this mission simply by creating a Prevention Wing – a group of IDT experts. The size of the Prevention Wing would be in the hundreds – approximately the square root of 1% of the population of the country.

As part of its responsibility to protect the nation, the South Sudan military is obligated to thoroughly examine scientifically proven methods for preventing war and terrorism. With the IDT approach, all that is necessary is to provide the proper training for groups of military personnel – or indeed, any sizable group within the nation. The South Sudan military has the opportunity today through IDT to create national security, invincibility, and peace. But the time to act is now.

About the Authors:

Major General (Ret.) Kulwant Singh, U.Y.S.M., Ph.D., leads an international group of generals and defense experts that advocates Invincible Defense Technology. He was awarded the Uttam Yudh Sewa Medal, the second highest decoration for senior officers during operations in Sri Lanka as part of IPKF (Indian Peace Keeping Force).
David Leffler, Ph.D., is Executive Director of the Center for Advanced Military Science (CAMS). http://www.StrongMilitary.org. He served as an Associate of the Proteus Management Group at the Center for Strategic Leadership, US Army War College. Dr. Leffler is the author of “A New Role for the Military: Preventing Enemies from Arising – Reviving an Ancient Approach to Peace.” He is on Twitter.

Reviving the ‘New Sudan’ vision

Posted: December 9, 2013 by PaanLuel Wël in Africa, Commentary, Featured Articles

Reviving the ‘New Sudan’ vision: In the face of growing unrest, former statesmen John Garang’s vision could serve as a banner of unity.

Product Details

The ICC could be wrong, but there is no other court in the world that could give indictees such space and freedom. Attorney General Githu Muigai conveniently “forgot” to tell his audience at The Hague that our Constitution does not allow the impunity and immunity (Article 143 (4)) for the President that he seeks for Kenyatta. The attacks against the ICC charges suggest that Africans are so stupid that they can’t think for themselves and others (read Westerners) have to do it for them.

MIXED FORTUNES FOR KENYA AT ICC MEETING

PRESIDENT Uhuru Kenyatta is not yet out of the woods on ICC despite the impression created by the results of the just-concluded Assembly of State Parties in The Hague. Although Foreign Secretary Amina Abdalla has declared the outcome of the ASP as “a major victory for Kenya” the reality is that Kenya won and lost in equal measure. While Kenya got video-link, trial in absence of accused and partial recognition of heads of state (Rule 134), it lost out on additional instances for introduction of prior recorded testimony by witnesses to the prosecution (Rule 68). Kenya’s loss on Article 68 could not however be immediately picked up as the official spin was that Kenya had managed to “force concessions” or “secure agreement” that the rule would not work retroactively. The fact of the matter however is that such concession is not necessary as Article 51(4) of the Rome Statute expressly provides that amendments to the rules “shall not be applied retroactively to the detriment of the accused.”


‘Economist’ top growers’ list for 2014 springs surprises, South Sudan GDP forecast to grow fastest


The Genius of Dr. John Garang: Letters and Radio Messages of the Late SPLM/A's Leader, Dr. John Garang de Mabioor (Volume 2) Paperback – November 27, 2013

The Genius of Dr. John Garang: Letters and Radio Messages of the Late SPLM/A’s Leader, Dr. John Garang de Mabioor (Volume 2) Paperback – November 27, 2013, ON AMAZON.COM

The Genius of Dr. John Garang: Letters and Radio Messages of the Late SPLM/A’s Leader, Dr. John Garang de Mabioor (Volume 2) Paperback – November 27, 2013, ON AMAZON.COM

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AN EXCERPT FROM THE BOOK

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CAPTAIN JOHN GARANG’S 1972 LETTER

TO DOMINIC AKECH MOHAMMED

Southern Sudan

February 5th, 1972 

Dear Dominic:

Thank you for the correspondence you dispatched to this end on January 25th, instantly. Very lucky, I go them today from Kampala through the lorry. It is lucky because I am leaving tomorrow morning for the interior, about 500 miles footwork from where we last met and I will not be back for over 7 months, maybe more.

Find here enclosed a copy of a letter I wrote to General Lagu and the negotiations committee (See Captain John Garang’s 1972 Letter to General Joseph Lagu of Anyanya One, January 24, 1972). I have handwritten it (it is 2:00 a.m) since I have packed my typewriter for tomorrow’s long journey. You may type it and if necessary you have my permission to use it BUT AFTER the negotiations ONLY so as not to prejudice the same. As you can see I am not in favor of these so-called negotiations nor do I have any illusions that much will come out of them. What is more, a settlement with the enemy at the present time is not in the best interests of the Southern Sudanese people, the Sudanese people and the African people for some of the reasons given in the attached seven page letter (refer to Captain John Garang’s 1972 Letter to General Joseph Lagu of Anyanya One, January 24, 1972).

Firstly, the “solution” will be no solution since the Arab military dictatorship of General Numeiry seeks to “solve” the problem within the spirit of Arab Nationalism and the context of a United Arab Sudan. Secondly, the Numeiry regime is illegitimate, a regime of blood, rhetoric, instability and theft, it is only a matter of months before the Numeiry clique is couped out of office by a similar scum of political prostitutes. To sign a “settlement” with such unstable barbarians is criminal and makes one a member of that gang though in a different outfit. Thirdly, the conditions for permanent revolution have not as yet been sufficiently created within our own motion.

The objective of liberation (of armed struggle) is firstly the riddance of oppression and exploitation and the simultaneous creation of conditions and structures for the permanent (continuous) release of our productive forces, which have been so historically damned, deformed, stunted and impeded by exploitation, oppression and humiliation. This last point is central as it focuses on the essence, the particularity of our movement.

About my role as Information Officer for the Anyanya, it is true that there has been such talk, but after I finished my infantry training last October, I made a concrete analysis of the situation and objective factors indicated that I could not make my total contribution in that capacity. You know what I mean. And if that be the case, it would be an intolerable situation. I joined the Movement with total commitment and dedication. I have sacrificed (I don’t consider it so) all the benefits paper dehumanizing education is supposed to confer on the dehumanized, decultured native holder, I am resolved to give the ultimate sacrifice, my life, for I am bound by nothing else but duty and commitment to Africa and the African people starting with the Southern Sudanese people, as a matter of course. African liberation can only primarily be effected through combat and everything else must be built around the combat, must enhance and give political character to combat. 

The Genius of Dr. John Garang: (Volume 1)

It would take me a book to go into analytical, historical and practical exposition of this line, but it is sufficient to say that this is why I turned down the “Information” work and chose active combat, and so tomorrow I go to the interior to (eventually soon) take over command of a full battalion. War is war, should anything terminate my usefulness (services) to the African people and revolution, it is incumbent upon you to continue with the struggle and/or to prepare the children and generations to come for the revolution. It is our duty.

I am indeed sorry about brother Vuzi Zulu that he comes at a time I have to leave. It would have been my duty and pleasure to cooperate with him since I presume we are engaged in the same revolution. (I would have also found that out). At any rate, pass my regards and explanation to him on his return. Some other time we shall meet.

Yes, I shot all the five colored films you gave me. After the training I went to Kampala but failed to develop them, as they don’t have facilities for developing Ecktochrome film in Kampala. When Allen Reed came he took them to Nairobi and they were developed and printed on slides. He then returned them and gave me a bill of 80/= (eighty Uganda shillings) which I promptly paid and I got all the slides. Two days later he came to me in Bumbo (twenty miles from Kampala) and begged me to borrow him some of the slides to teach his (Southern Sudanese) photography cadets who were there assembled in Kampala and that he would return them the following day.

He went and disappeared, till now I have not seen him—a complete breach of trust. Please convey the charge of theft to him from me, and collect those slides from him, I had actually told him that I was going to send them to you. The balance, I have left them locked up in Bumbo as I could not send them in time expecting Allen to return the borrowed ones and then send them in lump. This concurs with your other remarks.

Also please convey my sincere appreciation to FOPANO, ANAM, and OFPA for their endorsement “in principle” to cooperation with you and the Movement in our “efforts towards the liberation of Africa” and to Roy Inis and Core for the inclusion of “the Southern Sudanese Liberation Movement” in its support of African Liberation Movements.

Tell those citizens of Africa, snatched away from the great BLACK womb of our Mother, that time has come for their consciousness and ours on the mainland to merge (again) with one big black consciousness that will pull Mother Africa from the bloody teeth of the monster and usher in the total release of our productive forces long damned, deformed and impeded by centuries of oppression, exploitation and emasculating humiliation.

Greetings to all our students and brothers.

Brother Garang Mabior Atem

Southern Sudan, February 5th, 1972



The Genius of Dr. John Garang: The Essential Writings and Speeches of the Late SPLM/A's Leader, Dr. John Garang De Mabioor (Volume 1)

The Genius of Dr. John Garang: The Essential Writings and Speeches of the Late SPLM/A’s Leader, Dr. John Garang De Mabioor (Volume 1) on AMAZON.COM

The Genius of Dr. John Garang: The Essential Writings and Speeches of the Late SPLM/A’s Leader, Dr. John Garang De Mabioor (Volume 1) Paperback – November 15, 2013; by PaanLuel Wël (The Editor)

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AN EXCERPT FROM THE BOOK

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Don’t Get Derailed from your own History: Dr. John Garang Speaking on the History of the Sudan (1988) 

There is an exigency to go back to our historical roots, back to historical Sudan from the dawn of humanity to the present time. This is urgent and necessary because some people have been striving to erase us from history; they have been trying to derail us from our own history, from our own historical roots. Lest some people may get confuse and succumb to this misguided machinations from Khartoum that have been presenting the Sudan in terms of two parameters to the exclusion of the others—Islamism and Arabism. This ‘back to our roots’ initiative can be summarized in few points as follows. With respect to the history of the Sudan, there are some people, based on their own selfish interest, who say the history of the Sudan commenced with the arrival of the Turks in 1821. Others claim that the history of the Sudan started with the Mahdi, that is, when the Mahdist state (1885-1898) was established in the Sudan. There are some people, particularly among the Europeans, who insist that Africa history, along with the Sudan, began with European colonialism, that is, the coming of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan or the Anglo-Egyptian condominium (1898-1956). Just here in Southern Sudan, there are some people that even go as recent as 1947 when the Juba Conference was convened to decide whether Southern Sudan should be part of the Sudan or to separate and remain an independent entity or join up with the East Africa countries. There are some, still, who argue that the history of the Sudan started with the invasion of the Sudan by the Arabs from the Egypt and the Middle East. All these chauvinistic narratives on the history of the Sudan are according to some vested interests of certain speakers, of certain sections of the Sudanese society.

The first thing to be said is that we in the SPLM/SPLA go as far back as we can in the history of the Sudan. According to recorded and unrecorded history, archaeological and written history, human civilization started right here in the Nile Valley—in the Sudan and Egypt. And so the Sudan, along with Egypt and the whole of the Nile Valley, is a major part of human civilization, as we know it. This fact again is something out there for anybody to check and to verify. This is important because the historical roots are very important and they cannot just be traced to 1947 or to 1955 to 1880s or to 1820s or nineteen hundred or sixteen hundred. So we in the SPLM/SPLA go all the way back to the dawn of human history, and remember and reconstruct whatever is remember-able and whatever is reconstruct-able, because it is from all these roots that we will create the New Sudan.

So our history is not as shallow as some people would want us to believe. Our history is rich and deep, and we must get into that depth and that richness, and coming from there, taking what we can take and leaving what we do not want. It is up to us, it is our choice. In order to construct from the past, the very past, the medium past and the present to construct the future, we must go back to and reconstruct the very past. So a creation of the New Sudan would mean the complete reconstruction of the past. In order to create the present and the future, we must correctly reconstruct the past, not with lies but with the truth, not by saying John Garang is a descendant of Abbas. No, we must go on to the facts and these facts are readily available in history for people who want to know the truth. So we have said that in order for us to have a correct assessment of our present so that we pass into the future, we have to go all the way back and come with our history and combine whatever is useful to reconstruct our history as it should be, not as some are trying to portray it within the prism of their prejudiced outlook.

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There are two ways to view and understand our history as Sudanese people: the history as in the past and history as of the modern times. I call them Sudanese diversities. For this purpose, I want to go down the corridors of history to show that we, the Sudanese, are indeed the historical people and that the New Sudan has an anchor in history. Having an anchor in history is very important because if we cannot find an anchor in history, then we can create one, lest the struggle at the end of the day is meaningless. I will therefore present this anchor in history in terms of the present character of the Sudan and as it connects with our historical roots. The Sudan is characterized by two diversities: contemporary and historical diversities that go back thousand of years, indeed to the dawn of humanity. By historical diversity I mean that we did not just pop up as Sudanese from nowhere. We have been here, we have been there and we are still here now. And the proof of that is, of course, I am standing in front of you here. It means that I must have come from somewhere. When you look at the history of the Sudan, you can find it in old books. In the Bible, for example, where it makes references to Kush and/or Ethiopia; and these are interchangeable names for what is now the geographical Sudan. In the ancient times, we had the kingdom of Wawat, the kingdom of Irtet, the kingdom of Majda and the kingdom of Annu. Annu is believed by some historians to be the present Anyuak or Annuak people that were believed by ancient Egyptian to be the gods of the Nile. That set somewhere in the south to be the source of the Nile, and that was giving water to Egypt, and as the Bible says, Egypt is the gift of the Nile. So it is the gift of Annu or the Anyuak people of Southern Sudan to the Egyptian people.

The Genius of Dr. John Garang: (Volume 2)

You come down the corridors of history to the Nubian Christian kingdoms of Merowe, Makuria, Alwa and Soba. The first non-Jewish Christian or the first gentile Christian was a Sudanese. You read it in the Acts of the Apostles [Acts 8 V 27], as the Ethiopian Eunuch. That Ethiopian Eunuch has been researched and he has been found out to have been an official in the court of the king of Merowe. Merowe is north of Khartoum. As mentioned before, in 1821 was the Turco-Egyptian Sudan, the spread of an occupation of the northern part of our country by the Turco-Egyptian rule, down to the Mahdist state (1885-1898), down to the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan or the Anglo-Egyptian condominium (1898-1956), the modern independent Sudan from 1956 to the present. All these I called the historical diversities. As you can therefore see, we have a long history. People and kingdoms have lived, thrived and disappeared in the geographical area that constitute the present modern Sudan. Yet the present and previous rulers of Khartoum present a false picture of our country as if the Sudan started with them and as if the history and reality of Sudan consists only of two parameters—Arabism and Islamism.  Of course they argue this way so as to stake a claim to the Sudan and they do this to the exclusion of others. This is why there have been wars in the Sudan. Our contention in the SPLM/SPLA is that the Sudan belongs to all the peoples that now inhabit the country, and that its history, diversity and richness is the common heritage of all the Sudanese people. The attempts have been made in the past to try to push some people out of the rail of history and I am not accepting this. That is why I want to anchor our movement, and our struggle and the New Sudan, to anchor it deeply, in our long history. This is one form of diversity, the historical diversity.

The second form of diversity in the Sudan is the present diversity, the contemporary diversity. The Sudan has over 500 different ethnic groups, speaking more than 130 distinct languages. These ethnic groups fall into two categories, roughly the Africans and people of Arab origin in the Sudan, but they are all Sudanese people. The Indigenous African Sudanese—those whose mother tongue is other than Arabic—were 69% of the population according to the 1955 colonial census, while the Arab Sudanese—those whose mother tongue is Arabic—were 31% of the population according to the 1955 colonial census. Another fact that many people do not know or do not want to know is that indigenous Africans are more in the North than in the South: 39% of the total population as compared to the South’s 30%. Ethnicity is thus one major form of contemporary diversity. Another form of contemporary diversity is religion. We have two major religions in the country—Islam and Christianity, and traditional African religions. The Muslims are mostly in the North and constitute about 65-70% of the total population, while Christians and followers of Traditional African Religions constitute the remaining 30-35%.

These two forms of diversities, the historical and the contemporary, constitute the Sudanese reality, and thus, any form of governance must be based on, and must take into account, these two forms of diversities. However, all governments that have come and gone in Khartoum since 1956 have attempted to create a monolithic Arab-Islamic state to the exclusion of other parameters of the Sudanese diversity. They simply ignore or deliberately fly in the face of this Sudanese reality. This is the fundamental problem of the Sudan, and the justification for our armed struggle. What has happened is that a group of people in Khartoum, in 1956, hijacked the Sudan. They hijacked the Sudan and defined it in their own image, that the Sudan is an Arab-Islamic state. No, it is not. I called it hijacking because Sudan is a Sudanese state for the Sudanese people, not an Arab-Islamic state for Arabs and the Muslims.

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This is our point of departure from those naysayers. Therefore, it is necessary for each of you to study, to learn what is available out there, without preference, about our historical roots and about our rightful place in the history of mankind. The fact that we are here in 1988; the fact that the various Sudanese nationalities are here—that alone, the reality of our presence in the Sudan today, shows that there was a civilization(s) here. Otherwise, we would not be talking today as Dinka or as Nuer or as Shilluk or as Zande or Latuho or whatever all the nationalities there are in the Sudan. It is the solidity of their cultures that has made them to be present today in 1988; otherwise, they would not be present, for they would have been lost like many lost nationalities of human race. So the assertions, the lies that are said, what is said that Sudanese civilization or state started in such and such a year should be far from our thinking, because the Sudan is rich with cultures that go very deep into the dawn of humanity itself. If we study these cultures in historical motion, we will find their richness and depth undisputable. This is an important point of departure that unites us, and it is in sharp contrast to the narrative of those who want to hijack the Sudan by making it in their own artificial image. This is because if you take the history of the Sudan from one point of view, because if you say it is Arab civilization or a Dinka civilization or a Nuer civilization or a Shilluk civilization or a Fur civilization or a Latuho civilization or Nuba civilization and you speak to that viewpoint only, that would be a sectarian culturalism because you are taking one of the cultures and defining the New Nation through a single cultural entity. Absolutely not, for you cannot create a new harmonious nation out of imposition of one culture on the rest, this is impossible. So we take that point of departure and we will be consistent with it.

I acknowledge that it is difficult to be consistent with it when people are confused, when people have vested interests, when people are sectarian, when people are tribalistic, when people are sectionalistic, then it is difficult to be consistent because the vested interests will divert people. But the real revolutionaries understand that point of view and they will go consistently with it. The language I am using here is of course an inflammatory language that states ‘don’t tell me about Arabs’. But this is not our language, this is the language of someone that is angry and he can be excused because he is angry for a reason. It is necessary to be angry in order to become a revolutionary. You must be angry in order to rebel against oppression as was mentioned earlier by comrade Yusuf Kuwa Mekki. After you become a rebel, you transform yourself into a revolutionary. So we will, and you must, accept this language as coming from an angry man and we understand why he is angry—he is protesting against his deletion from history.

Therefore, we will immerse ourselves into the Sudanese situation, we will transform the Sudanese situation, so that they believe in the objectivity of the New Sudan, in which there is no anti-Arabism, and no anti-Africanism, no anti-Islam or anti-Christianity but we form a new synthesis, a new synthesis that is a culture, that is a nation, that is a state, that will have its role to play on the African continent, in the Middle East, in the World, because we have to make our contribution to the human race and we have the capability to make this contribution. So this is the intellectual background of our objectives as a Movement—the SPLM/SPLA.

From this intellectual background anchored in history, in order to have success, we must envision what success is, what it looks like, what it feels like. So what do we mean by success? One, we must form a revolutionary state in Khartoum, and secondly, that revolutionary state must have a revolutionary army in Khartoum, because you cannot have a revolutionary state without the revolutionary army. It is a contradiction. Likewise, you cannot have a reactionary state and a revolutionary army because one would take the other away and it has happened in many places. For example, a minority cliques can stage a coup d’état, install themselves in power and proclaim revolution. They claim to have made a revolution while the whole army remains reactionary. There is General such and such and he maintains his position and Major General such and such still maintains his position, and he likes his position and the privileges that his position avails him and he has his local and international connections. It is a matter of time before the reactionary army gets rid of the revolutionary state.

The summary of this argument boils down to one objective: the establishment of a revolutionary army and a revolutionary state in Khartoum. This, more than anything else, is the true meaning, and our definition, of success. If we have not achieved these two objectives—a revolutionary state with a revolutionary army—then we are continuing the armed struggle until these two are formed because one would not succeed without the other, they are complementary, one is indispensable to the survival of the other. And it is not the SPLM/A only that is going to form the state because there are other revolutionary forces in the country. Our task is how to fuse together these revolutionary forces in order to establish these objectives of a revolutionary state with a revolutionary army. I gave you the other background before in order to arrive at the necessity of these objectives because without the revolutionary state and the revolutionary army to safeguard it, you cannot destroy neocolonialism, you cannot destroy religious fundamentalism, and you cannot destroy racism in the country.

Certainly, you need a revolutionary state with a revolutionary army in order to do these because any other situation won’t work, and won’t succeed, simply because say if we get rid of Sharia and there is somebody who is not a revolutionary and you tell him to cancel Sharia, he would think that he would go to hell and who would want to go to hell? He won’t do it because in his mind, there is a hell waiting for him. How do you convince someone to embrace going to hell? Of course we know that this is a misguided view but it is a fact we have to deal with; armed revolutions are conducted within the paradigm of the prevailing reality, whether that actuality is based on facts or on myths is beside the point.  So you need a revolutionary state and a revolutionary army in order to implement the revolutionary program. The revolutionary program also has to be constructed, and you need a revolutionary state and a revolutionary army in order to construct and implement the revolutionary program. This is our history since the dawn of human age and this is our noble goal and objective to the suffering people of the Sudan: to establish a revolutionary state with a revolutionary army to construct and implement a revolutionary program of the New Sudan Vision.

Civil wars: The picture in Africa

Posted: November 14, 2013 by PaanLuel Wël in Africa

THE briefing in the most recent issue of The Economist’s print edition tackles the tricky subject of civil wars. As anyone familiar with Africa’s cold-war history might expect, the continent features prominently.  What is remarkable is how many African civil wars have ended since the fall of the Berlin wall. A map showing African conflicts two decades ago would show the continent aflame. Today we have Congo and Somalia, and most recently the Central African Republic, and perhaps Nigeria, though Boko Haram is still no match for Biafra, the secessionist state in south-eastern Nigeria which went to war in the 1960. Of course, civil wars can be hard to define. The Peace Research Insitute Oslo in Norway paints a slightly different picture to ours (see map). But their parameters too, show a marked decline in the number of African conflicts. Not so long ago civil wars raged in Mozambique, Angola, Sudan, Liberia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Burundi, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Chad and Uganda.

President Bashir: WHY LASTING PEACE ELUDES AFRICA

Posted: November 12, 2013 by PaanLuel Wël in Africa, Featured Articles

FOR Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir, the continuing scramble for Africa’s resources is among the major reasons external interests have kept the continent divided. He, therefore, wants the international, regional and sub-regional communities, as well as leading peacekeeping   countries such as Nigeria, to be mindful of this “hidden” but pervasive factor of national strife in ensuring peace on the continent’s flash points such as Darfur.  The Sudanese leader has not spoken with any foreign news organ in the last four years. But he fielded questions from The Guardian in Khartoum on the strife in his country, the controversy surrounding his last visit to Abuja in July this year, the crisis in Darfur and the Janjaweed problem, the reasons for the rejection of Abyei referendum as well as what Nigeria and Sudan should be doing with their existing strategic relations.  He said: “It is proven now that there are also proven schemes by those who control the international mass media to be silent on the reasons people sign agreements and do not keep to them while it is in their interest to keep conflicts going at all costs.” 


 East Africa’s ambitious plan to boost its oil supply infrastructure enters a critical phase this week as Kenya and Uganda float a design tender, while South Sudan decides whether to build a pipeline through Kenya or Djibouti. On Monday, the presidents of Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda — meeting under the auspices of the 3rd Infrastructure Summit in Kigali — are expected to receive a progress report on the planned crude oil pipeline under the Lamu Port South Sudan Ethiopia Transport (Lapsset) corridor project. However, it is unclear whether South Sudan will be part of the pipeline at the initial stage. On August 28, in their second summit in Mombasa, the three presidents had directed government officials to ensure that the South Sudan-Lokichar-Hoima crude oil pipeline is integrated into the Lapsset corridor project by December 31. At the Mombasa meeting, South Sudan’s Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation Barnaba Marial Benjamin represented President Salva Kiir. The EastAfrican has learnt that a $3 million feasibility study commissioned by South Sudan, on both routes — to Lamu and Djibouti ports — done by the German-based engineering firm ILF and the UK-based legal firm IDP, has found both technically viable, but the government is due to consider the cost, terrain of each route and geopolitics of the region.


When you sit in on a class here and meet with the principal and teachers, what you find is a relentless focus on all the basics that we know make for high-performing schools but that are difficult to pull off consistently across an entire school system. These are: a deep commitment to teacher training, peer-to-peer learning and constant professional development, a deep involvement of parents in their children’s learning, an insistence by the school’s leadership on the highest standards and a culture that prizes education and respects teachers.

 

AU Peace and Security Council on Abyei

Posted: October 22, 2013 by PaanLuel Wël in Abyei, Africa

401st meeting of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union on the situation in the Abyei Area

 The Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AU), at its 401st meeting held on 21 October 2013, exchanged views on the situation in the Abyei Area.
     Council expressed deep concern at the prevailing situation in the Abyei Area. Council welcomed the planned meeting between President Omar Hassan Al Bashir of the Republic of Sudan and President Salva Kiir Mayardit of the Republic of South Sudan, in Juba, on 22 October 2013, as part of the ongoing efforts to consolidate the progress made in the normalization of relations between the two countries and to address outstanding issues in their relations. Council strongly appealed to the two Heads of State to seize the opportunity of their Summit meeting to take concrete steps to address the challenges at hand in Abyei, as outlined in communiqué PSC/AHG/COMM/2.(CCCXCVII) adopted at its 397th meeting held at the level of the Heads of State and Government, in New York, on 23 September 2013.
      Council reiterated its earlier communiqués and press statements on the issue of Abyei, including its acceptance of the Proposal submitted by the AU High-Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP), on 21 September 2012, as representing a fair, equitable and workable solution to the dispute between the two countries, which takes into account existing Agreements entered into by the Parties, as well as the needs and interests of the communities on the ground. Council called on the two countries to resume their discussions on the final status of Abyei on the basis of the AUHIP Proposal, bearing in mind the need to ensure that Abyei serves as a bridge between Sudan and South Sudan, as envisaged in the Abyei Protocol of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).
       Council further reiterated the need for the expeditious implementation of the Agreement on the Temporary Administrative and Security Arrangements for the Abyei Area of 20 June 2011; the facilitation of the rapid and safe return of refugees and displaced persons and the peaceful migration of nomadic pastoralists during the coming dry season; the full demilitarization of the Abyei Area, including the withdrawal of the police force stationed in Diffra and its replacement by the Abyei Area Police Service; as well as the mobilization of assistance for Abyei and the implementation of the commitment to provide 2% of oil revenue originating from Abyei for the development of the Area. Council also stressed the urgency of establishing the Abyei Area Referendum Commission, including the review and adoption of a revised referendum law in line with the AUHIP Proposal and the submission by the two countries of the list of their nominees to the AUHIP. Council, once again, made an urgent appeal to the Parties to refrain from any unilateral action and statement that may impede progress towards the search for a lasting solution.
      Council agreed to review the situation in Abyei in light of the outcome of the Summit meeting between the two Heads of State, and to finalize the arrangements for its impending visit to Abyei, as decided in communiqué PSC/MIN/COMM.1 (CCCLXXXVII) Rev.1, adopted at its 387th meeting held on 29 July 2013.

President Salva Kiir of the South Sudan has lost all his key men just eight years after taking power. The exits are a defining moment for Kiir’s political career. As he seeks to steer the young country uncertainty over the fate of the disputed Abyei region persists. A referendum on Abyei was slated for this month but it remains unclear if it will take place. Last month, President Kiir suggested that the 2015 General Election may be delayed, citing lack of funds for census and finalisation of the new Constitution. So, how will his political fortunes fare in coming months. His assumption to office in 2005, was a walk in the park. The death of Dr John Garang in a plane crash in July 2005 had left him the heir apparent. Many had angled for the post including former vice president Riek Machar and former foreign minister Dr Lam Akol. Unlike Kiir, both Dr Akol and Dr Machar are intellectuals with PhDs like the late Dr Garang, but Kiir’s strong point was his popularity within the military. Kiir inherited the leadership together with a team that worked with the late Dr Garang, commonly referred to as the “Garang Boys.” Eight years later that team is out in the wilderness.

Democracy and legitimacy in Africa

Posted: October 19, 2013 by PaanLuel Wël in Africa

The time has come for Africa to stand up together and fight with one voice the attempts by the metropolitan powers to dictate who is a legitimate leader in Africa and who is not. The history of such dictation shows the pursuit of Western self-interest at the cost of African nationalist interests, writes Dr Motsoko Pheko. Zimbabwe is once again a wake-up call to all Africans who value their national sovereignty and control of their mineral wealth and other natural resources. The sustained attack on Zimbabwe is an economic war by Western countries on Africa. These countries have a long history of a “planned regime”. If this fails, they resort to “regime change”. To Britain and America, and all their satellites, “democracy” and “legitimacy” is when their interests prevail over those of the African people. It is reported that the American, British, Canadian and Australian governments do not believe that the recent election results in Zimbabwe represent the will of the people of Zimbabwe. It is, therefore, important to point out that for all the long years when African states and the United Nations demanded economic sanctions against Ian Smith’s rebel colonial regime in Rhodesia and against apartheid South Africa, the European powers (led by the USA) opposed these sanctions. Britain’s Margaret Thatcher argued that sanctions would hurt “ordinary Rhodesians and black South Africans”.

Thomas Sankara: For Pan-Africanists!

Posted: October 16, 2013 by PaanLuel Wël in Africa

Quotes:

“I would like to leave behind me the conviction that if we maintain a certain amount of caution and organization we deserve victory. You cannot carry out fundamental change without a certain amount of madness. In this case, it comes from nonconformity, the courage to turn your back on the old formulas, the courage to invent the future. It took the madmen of yesterday for us to be able to act with extreme clarity today. I want to be one of those madmen. We must dare to invent the future.” Thomas Sankara

AU, not the ICC, is the African Problem

Posted: October 16, 2013 by PaanLuel Wël in Africa

1. Western envoys set stage for UN talks on Uhuru

2. Why Africa leaders failed to strike deal on ICC in Ethiopia

3. Uhuru Kenyatta ICC case to be put off, Western diplomats say


SPEECH BY HIS EXCELLENCY HON. UHURU KENYATTA, C.G.H., PRESIDENT AND

Chair of the African Union, Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn, Chair of the Commission of the African Union, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Colleagues Head of State and Government, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, It gives me special pleasure to join your Excellencies at this Special Summit, where we have assembled to reflect on very significant matters relating to the welfare and destiny of our nations and peoples.

I thank you for the honour of addressing you today, because as it happens, I crave my brother and sister Excellencies’ views on some issues. We are privileged to lead the nations of a continent on the rise.

Africa rests at the centre of global focus as the continent of the future. Although we have been relentlessly exploited in the past, we remain with sufficient resources to invest in a prosperous future.

Whilst we have been divided and incited against one another before, we are now united and more peaceful.

Even as we grapple with a few regional conflicts, as Africans, we are taking proactive measures to ensure that all our people move together in the journey to prosperity in a peaceful home.

Even though we were dominated and controlled by imperialists and colonial interests in years gone by, we are now proud, independent and sovereign nations and people. We are looking to the future with hope, marching towards the horizon with confidence and working in unity.

This is the self evident promise that Africa holds for its people today. As leaders, we are the heirs of freedom fighters, and our founding fathers. These liberation heroes founded the Organisation of African Unity, which was dedicated to the eradication of ALL FORMS OF COLONIALSM.

Towards this end, the OAU defended the interests of independent nations and helped the cause of those that were still colonised. It sought to prevent member states from being controlled once again by outsider powers.

The founding fathers of African Unity were conscious that structural colonialism takes many forms, some blatant and extreme, like apartheid, while others are subtler and deceptively innocuous, like some forms of development assistance.

It has been necessary, therefore, for African leaders to constantly watch out against threats to our peoples’ sovereignty and unity.

In our generation, we have honoured our fathers’ legacies by guaranteeing that through the African Union, our countries and our people shall achieve greater unity, and that the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of our States shall not be trifled with.

More than ever, our destiny is in our hands. Yet at the same time, more than ever, it is imperative for us to be vigilant against the persistent machinations of outsiders who desire to control that destiny. We know what this does to our nations and people: subjugation and suffering.

Your Excellencies, The philosophies, ideologies, structures and institutions that visited misery upon millions for centuries ultimately harm their perpetrators. Thus the imperial exploiter crashes into the pits of penury. The arrogant world police is crippled by shambolic domestic dysfunction.

These are the spectacles of Western decline we are witnessing today. At the same time, other nations and continents rise and prosper. Africa and Asia continue to thrive, with their promise growing every passing day.

As our strength multiplies, and our unity gets deeper, those who want to control and exploit us become more desperate. Therefore, they abuse whatever power remains in their control.

The Swahili people say that one ascending a ladder cannot hold hands with one descending. The force of gravity will be compounded and the one going up only loses.

The International Criminal Court was mandated to accomplish these objectives by bringing to justice those criminal perpetrators who bear greatest responsibility for crimes.

Looking at the world in the past, at that time and even now, it was clear that there have always been instances of unconscionable impunity and atrocity that demand a concerted international response, and that there are vulnerable, helpless victims of these crimes who require justice as a matter of right.

This is the understanding, and the expectation of most signatories to the Rome Statute. The most active global powers of the time declined to ratify the Treaty, or withdrew somewhere along the way, citing several compelling grounds.

The British foreign secretary Robin Cook said at the time, that the International Criminal Court was not set up to bring to book Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom or Presidents of the United States. Had someone other than a Western leader said those fateful words, the word ‘impunity’ would have been thrown at them with an emphatic alacrity.

An American senator serving on the foreign relations committee echoed the British sentiments and said, “Our concern is that this is a court that is irreparably flawed, that is created with an independent prosecutor, with no checks and balances on his power, answerable to no state institution, and that this court is going to be used for politicized prosecutions.”

The understanding of the States which subscribed to the Treaty in good faith was two-fold. First, that world powers were hesitant to a process that might make them accountable for such spectacularly criminal international adventures as the wars in Iraq, Syria, Libya, Afghanistan and other places, and such hideous enterprises as renditions and torture.

Such states did not, therefore, consider such warnings as applicable to pacific and friendly parties. Secondly, it was the understanding of good-faith subscribers that the ICC would administer and secure justice in a fair, impartial and independent manner and, as an international court, bring accountability to situations and perpetrators everywhere in the world. As well, it was hoped that the ICC would set the highest standards of justice and judicial processes.

Your Excellencies, As has been demonstrated quite thoroughly over the past decade, the good-faith subscribers had fallen prey to their high-mindedness and idealism. I do not need to tell your Excellencies about the nightmare my country in particular, and myself and my Deputy as individuals, have had to endure in making this realisation.

Western powers are the key drivers of the ICC process. They have used prosecutions as ruses and bait to pressure Kenyan leadership into adopting, or renouncing various positions. Close to 70 per cent of the Court’s annual budget is funded by the European Union.

The threat of prosecution usually suffices to have pliant countries execute policies favourable to these countries.

Through it, regime-change sleights of hand have been attempted in Africa. A number of them have succeeded.

The Office of the Prosecutor made certain categorical pronouncements regarding eligibility for leadership of candidates in Kenya’s last general election. Only a fortnight ago, the Prosecutor proposed undemocratic and unconstitutional adjustments to the Kenyan Presidency.

These interventions go beyond interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State. They constitute a fetid insult to Kenya and Africa. African sovereignty means nothing to the ICC and its patrons. They also dovetail altogether too conveniently with the warnings given to Kenyans just before the last elections: choices have consequences.

This chorus was led by the USA, Britain, EU, and certain eminent persons in global affairs. It was a threat made to Kenyans against electing my Government. My Government’s decisive election must be seen as a categorical rebuke by the people of Kenya of those who wished to interfere with our internal affairs and infringe our sovereignty.

Now Kenya has undergone numerous problems since its birth as a Republic 50 years ago. Yet over the same period, Kenya has also made tremendous progress. It is the same in all countries of Africa. At our Golden Jubilee, we look forward to a rebirth characterising the next 50 years, not a ceaseless harkening to our history.

I must make the point that we do not intend to forget, or discount the value of our history. Rather, we do want to learn from it, not live in it. As Kenya’s President, it gives me a feeling of deep and lasting pride to know that I can count on the African Union to listen and help in trying times. Africa has always stood by our side.

When we faced violent disagreements over the 2007 election result, my distinguished predecessor, Mwai Kibaki came to you with a request for help, and you did not stint. You instituted a high-level team of Eminent Persons who came to our assistance.

Because of that, we were able to summon the confidence to speak to each other and agree. As a result, we put in place a 4-point plan, which not only put Kenya back on track, but formed the basis of the most rapid political, legal and social reform ever witnessed in our country.

Through it, we successfully mediated the dispute surrounding the 2007 election and pacified the country. A power-sharing coalition was formed with a mandate to undertake far-reaching measures to prevent future violent disputes, entrench the rule of law, prevent abuses of legal power and entrench equity in our body politic while also securing justice for the victims of the post-election violence.

We enacted a new, progressive constitution which instituted Devolution of power and resources, strengthened the protection of fundamental rights, and enhanced institutional and political checks and balances. It also provided the legal foundation for the national economic transformation roadmap, Vision 2030.

The project of national transformation presently underway in Kenya was given tremendous impetus by your Excellencies’ needful intervention. On the basis of this constitution we have instituted legislation and established institutions to realise the people’s basic rights, ensure transparency and accountability and protect the popular sovereignty of Kenyans.

A new Judiciary and electoral commission have ensured that we have credible elections and dispute resolution.

Your Excellencies, The people of Ethiopia warn against the deplorable presumption of chopping up meat for a lion; I cannot teach you your work, nor force you to accept my position.

Please institute a mechanism to empirically verify what I have told you. My part is to thank you on behalf of the people of Kenya for your help.

After the successful mediation of the post-election controversy in 2008, there was disagreement over the best way to bring the perpetrators of post-election violence to account and secure justice for the victims.

One proposal was to set up a local tribunal to try the cases, while another was to refer the matter to the ICC. The Mediator who had been appointed by your Excellencies referred the matter to the ICC when the disagreement persisted.

On the basis of this referral, the Prosecutor stated that he had launched investigations which, he claimed, established that 6 persons had committed crimes against humanity. According to the Prosecutor, your Excellencies, I fall among those men.

Your Excellencies,
From the beginning of the cases, I have fully cooperated with the Court in the earnest expectation that it afforded the best opportunity for me to clear my name. I have attended court whenever required and complied with every requirement made of me in connection with my case.

Other Kenyans charged before that court have similarly cooperated fully. The Government has cooperated to the maximum; the Court itself found that Kenya’s Government has fully complied in 33 out of 37 instances, and was only prevented from cooperating 100 per cent by legal and constitutional constraints.

After my election, we have continued to fully cooperate. As earlier stated, we see it as the only means to achieve personal vindication, but also to protect our country from prejudice. As I address your Excellencies, my deputy is sitting – in person – in that Court.

Proceedings continue revealing the evidence against us to be reckless figments and fabrications every passing day. I cannot narrate quite accurately the calculated humiliation and stigma the prosecution has inflicted on us at every turn, within and outside the proceedings.

It is all consistent with a political agenda, rather than a quest for justice. For 5 years I have strained to cooperate fully, and have consistently beseeched the Court to expedite the cases.

Yet the gratuitous libel and prejudice I have encountered at the instance of the Prosecution seeks to present me as a fugitive from justice who is guilty as charged. All I have requested as President is to be allowed to execute my constitutional obligations as the forensic side of things is handled by my lawyers.

Even as we maintain our innocence, it has always been my position, shared by my deputy, that the events of 2007 represented the worst embarrassment to us as a nation, and a shock to our self-belief.

We almost commenced the rapid descent down the precipitous slope of destruction and anarchy. Its aftermath was similarly an unbearable shame.

We are a people who properly take pride in our achievements and our journey as a nation. The fact that over that time we had lost direction, however briefly, was traumatising.

That is the genesis of our rebirth. Until our ascension to the Presidency of Kenya, thousands of internally-displaced persons remained in camps.

It is generally difficult to resettle many people owing to scarcity of land and sensitivity to their preference. But we have undertaken to ensure that no Kenyan will be left behind in our journey to progress.

Resettling the IDP therefore was a particularly urgent assignment for us. Within 6 months of assuming office, we resettled all of them, and closed the displacement camps for good. Our efforts at pacifying the main protagonists in the PEV have similarly borne fruit.

So much so, that the reconciliation efforts gave birth to a successful political movement which won the last general election. This not only speaks to the success of reconciliation, but also testifies to its popular endorsement by the majority of the people of Kenya.

We certainly do not bear responsibility at any level for the post-election violence of 2007, but as leaders, we felt it incumbent upon us to bear responsibility for reconciliation and leadership of peace.

Our Government wants to lead Kenya to prosperity founded on national stability and security. Peace is indispensable to this aspiration. Reconciliation, therefore was not merely good politics; it is key to everything we want to achieve as a Government.

Your Excellencies,
America and Britain do not have to worry about accountability for international crimes. Although certain norms of international law are deemed peremptory, this only applies to non-Western states. Otherwise, they are inert. It is this double standard and the overt politicisation of the ICC that should be of concern to us here today.

It is the fact that this court performs on the cue of European and American governments against the sovereignty of African States and peoples that should outrage us. People have termed this situation “race-hunting”. I find great difficulty adjudging them wrong.

What is the fate of International Justice? I daresay that it has lost support owing to the subversive machinations of its key proponents. Cynicism has no place in justice. Yet it takes no mean amount of selfish and malevolent calculation to mutate a quest for accountability on the basis of truth, into a hunger for dramatic sacrifices to advance
geopolitical ends.

The ICC has been reduced into a painfully farcical pantomime, a travesty that adds insult to the injury of victims. It stopped being the home of justice the day it became the toy of declining
imperial powers.

This is the circumstance which today compels us to agree with the reasons US, China, Israel, India and other non-signatory States hold for abstaining from the Rome Treaty.

In particular, the very accurate observations of John R Bolton who said, “For numerous reasons, the United States decided that the ICC had unacceptable consequences for our national sovereignty. Specifically, the ICC is an organization that runs contrary to fundamental American precepts and basic constitutional principles of popular sovereignty, checks and balances and national independence.”

Our mandate as AU, and as individual African States is to protect our own and each other’s independence and sovereignty. The USA and other nations abstained out of fear. Our misgivings are born of bitter experience.

Africa is not a third-rate territory of second-class peoples. We are not a project, or experiment of outsiders. It was always impossible for us to uncritically internalise notions of justice implanted through that most unjust of institutions: colonialism.

The West sees no irony in preaching justice to a people they have disenfranchised, exploited, taxed and brutalised.

Our history serves us well: we must distrust the blandishments of those who have drunk out of the poisoned fountain of imperialism.

The spirit of African pride and sovereignty has withstood centuries of severe tribulation. I invoke that spirit of freedom and unity today before you. It is a spirit with a voice that rings through all generations of human history. It is the eternal voice of a majestic spirit which will never die.

Kenya is striving mightily, and wants to work with its neighbours and friends everywhere to attain a better home, region and world. Kenya seeks to be treated with dignity as a proud member of the community of nations which has contributed immensely, with limited resources, to the achievement of peace, security and multilateralism.

Kenya looks to her friends in time of need. We come to you to vindicate our independence and sovereignty. Our unity is not a lie. The African Union is not an illusion.

The philosophy of divide-and rule, which worked against us all those years before, cannot shackle us to the ground in our Season of Renaissance. Our individual and collective sovereignty requires us to take charge of our destiny, and fashion African solutions to African problems.

It will be disingenuous, Excellencies, to pretend that there is no concern, if not outrage, over the manner in which ICC has handled not just the Kenyan, but all cases before it. All the cases currently before it arise from Africa.

Yet Africa is not the only continent where international crimes are being committed. Out of over 30 cases before the court, NONE relates to a situation outside Africa. All the people indicted before that court, ever since its founding have been Africans.

Every plea we have made to be heard before that court has landed upon deaf ears. When Your Excellencies’ resolution was communicated to the Court through a letter to its president, it was dismissed as not being properly before the Court and therefore ineligible for consideration.

When a civil society organisation wrote a letter bearing sensational and prejudicial fabrications, the Court took urgent and substantial decisions based on it. Before the ICC, African sovereign nations’ resolutions are NOTHING compared with the opinions of civil society activists.

The AU is the bastion of African sovereignty, and the vanguard of our unity. Yet the ICC deems it altogether unworthy of the minutest consideration. Presidents Kikwete, Museveni, Jonathan and Zuma have pronounced themselves on the court’s insensitivity, arrogance and disrespect.

Leaders in my country have escalated their anxiety to the national Parliament, where a legislative process to withdraw altogether from the Rome Treaty is under consideration. As I said, it would not be right to ignore the fact that concern over the conduct of the ICC is strong and widespread.

There is very little that remains for me to say about the slights that the ICC continue to visit upon the nations and people of Africa. We want to believe in due process before the ICC, but where is it being demonstrated?

We want to see the ICC as fair and even-handed throughout the world, but what can we do when everyone but Africa is exempt from accountability? We would love nothing more than to have an international forum for justice and accountability, but what choice do we have when we get only bias and race-hunting at the ICC? Isn’t respect part of justice?

Aren’t our sovereign institutions worthy of deference within the framework of international law? If so, what justice can be rendered by a court which disregards our views?

Our mandate is clear: sovereignty and unity. This is the forum for us to unite and categorically vindicate our overeignty.

Excellencies, I turn to you trusting that we will be faithful to our charge, to each other, and to our people.

I have utmost confidence that this Assembly’s voice will be clear to the entire world. Like other African countries, Kenya did not achieve its independence with ease. Blood was shed for it.

Your Excellencies,

I thank you. God Bless you. God Bless Africa. (PSCU)


Kigali became the first city in East Africa to launch free wireless Internet in specific areas of the capital last week under the “Smart Kigali” initiative, joining the ranks of “digital cities” such as Toronto, Houston, Buenos Aires, Bangkok and Taipei. This puts Rwanda ahead of the pack in the digital race in East Africa, giving it an edge over Kenya’s much-hyped Konza City, which is yet to take off despite a colourful launch early this year.