Archive for July 11, 2011


Posted: July 11, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in History

Is it Justified?

By Joseph Garang


This pamphlet was written in 1961 and present the development of the views of the author up to that time. It appeared as a series of the articles in the underground paper, the Southern, which was then being published by a number of southern communities.

The object was to offer to the Southern people an alternative course of action leading to the solution of their problems. In other words a tactical line of alliance with the Northern democratic movement against imperialism and for progress.

It is clear that many points did not receive sufficient treatment. South-North relations in the past still requires a thorough examination including the exact extent of the exploitation of the Southern people by Northern merchants. Owing to difficulties caused by police persecution at that time, the author was unable to complete the pamphlet and so the question on page 14, namely the Communist view as to the solution of the Southern problem, could not answered. It was only after October 1964 that the author was able to put out in greater details his views on regional autonomy. These appeared in Advance newspaper early 1965.

The author believes that the course of events since 1961 has confirmed the correctness of the tactical line suggested. Regional Autonomy is now official policy. It remains for all talented Sudanese to examine the solution in a creative way and suggest methods of practical execution in a creative way and suggest methods of practical execution. Despite all the short-comings in the pamphlet, the author believes that it should be published as a historical document without any alterations.



Khartoum, March 1971

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Once more the southern problem has sprung into the news, and all conscious citizens are thrown into deep thinking anew. Hence our attempt view in El Rai El Am newspaper. He said; ‘ Let the South be allowed to separate if it so desires’. But politics is not as simple as this, and we must look more deeply into the question.


There are three schools of thought among the southern intellectuals. These are: the extreme right-wing; the perplexed intellectuals; and the left. According to the rightists, the only solution to the southern question is immediate separation. Their hatred of the North is so great that they are blind to any alternative. They proceed from the premise that the root of the southern problem is racial, i.e. the fact that the southerners are Africans while northerners are Arab, and they say that since one cannot change Negro into Arab, nor Arab into Negro, then it follows that the two must separate from each other.

Two questions naturally arise from the rightists’ premise: are the rightists correct in conceiving that the southern question is racial in essence? What will be the future of the southern people if they separate?

The racial thesis

In our opinion the rightists are mistaken in believing that the difference in race constitutes the essence of the of the southern question. If the decisive factor in the southern question is racial, then how do the rightists explain the disputes between East, West and North Nigeria? Or the North-South struggle in Ghana? Or Buganda demand for a separate state? Or the quarrel between Iraq and Egypt? In the early nineteenth century Liberia was established as a state for freed Negro salves who were collected there from America and Europe; then how do we explain the fact that these ex-slaves began taking the indigenous Negroes of Liberia into slavery until as late as 1939? Conversely, how is it that different races are living happily on the territories of the U.S.S.R.? There you find Russians, Americans, Georgians, Tartars, Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Mongols. Does not this clearly show that the difference in race is not the decisive factor in the southern problem? Racial differences cannot and have never been the decisive factor. Even in Southern Africa the essence of the question is not racial. One must not be misled by the appearance of things. Racial prejudice is a result, a manifestation of a more hidden factor. In order to understand the nature of the southern problem we must therefore look elsewhere, and this we shall do later.

The strategy of separation

Next, if the southern people secede, as demanded by the rightists, then will the people find democracy, and develop their languages and customs? ‘Yes,’ say the rightists; but they are mistaken. Until the end of the Second World War, the imperialist powers dominated and exploited most of the world. In the post-war period, however, the territories under the direct and indirect domination of imperialism are steadily shrinking, owning to the onslaught of national liberation movements    in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The constant shrinking of the imperialist world market and of the sources of cheap raw materials has deepened the general crisis of the imperialists, and has rendered them more bellicose and more desperate.

Africa, with its fabulous wealth, is the only continent still under direct domination of the imperialism. As, such, the struggle for liberation in Africa will therefore be more fierce, more bloody, and more agonizing than elsewhere. Recent events indicate that imperialism means to fight, fight and fight again in Africa, if necessary by war, if necessary by new forms of domination. If the South were to separate today, then tomorrow it would be an imperialist colony. There is no doubt about that, and yet the rightists have failed to take this circumstance into account.

It said that the south can appeal to the United Nations for help. But look at what happened in the Congo. Others say: ‘We will unite with East Africa’. But can’t see that East Africa is unliberated? And even after her independence that will not be the end of imperialism there. Our Sudanese experience since 1956 shows that political independence in itself is no guarantee against imperialism. It is a mere beginning of the real struggle. Moreover, the anti-imperialist forces in East Africa are weaker than the Sudan. We do not believe that transfer of South from an area where the struggle against imperialism is more advanced to an area where it is just beginning amounts to the liberation of the South. It appears to be that the rightists are mere political adventurers.


The school of perplexed intellectuals

But besides the rightists there is another and larger group of southern intellectuals. For want of better world we have described them as the perplexed school of southern intellectuals the main feature of this school is that it is living in a dilemma. On the one hand its members hate the North and would prefer separation. But on the other hand they are a wake to the danger of imperialism (particularly after the lessons of the Congo) disillusioned with the United Nation. So they are afraid of consequences of separation. Hence, their dilemma. Some of them suggest that the South should separate and immediately turn communist so as to avoid imperialism and receive Soviet aid. But precisely how this is to be possible they cannot say.

Nevertheless, whatever may be their confusion, they are definitely more advanced than the rightists. But is their dilemma real or justified? No, it is not. They arrive at a dilemma because in approaching the southern question they start from mistaken premises. There are two principal contradictions at work in the southern provinces and in fact in most African countries. By a contradiction we mean a struggle for supremacy between two opposing forces.

The first contradiction is that between the Sudanese people (and all African peoples for that matter) on the hand, and imperialism on the other. This is the most important contradiction because without it being resolved there can be no talk of real popular advancement for the masses of the people. All this includes the solution of the southern problem. Those who think that the southern problem can be solved with imperialism still in control of our country, both economically and (through its puppet rulers) politically, are mere dreamers. Hence, in order to solve the southern question, say the general minorities in the Sudan, the first task is to defeat imperialism.

The second contradiction (which, however, is minor to the first) is that between the southern people on the one hand and the northern exploiting classes on the other. What is the nature of this contradiction? It would require much more space to make a full analysis and appraisal of the South-North issue. Therefore, only the gist of the problem arises from the attitude of the northern exploiting classes-namely the feudal landlords and bourgeoisie (middle-class) and their intellectual and bureaucratic representatives in the state apparatus. The exploiting classes (who have controlled a policy of economic and social advancement in the southern provinces) have continued certain features of British policy, including the poll tax, cattle fines, forced labour, inequality of wages, restrictions of education. More important, they are attempting to impose the Arabic language and Islam (or bourgeois culture) upon the southern people.

This attitude has naturally met with resistance from the southern people and this resistance is answered by the bourgeoisie with further acts of repression and deprivation of civil liberties. Why do the exploiting classes do these things? The reasons behind the exploiters’ activities are in essence economic. The northern bourgeois, like any bourgeois in a colonial or semi-colonial country, entertain dreams of one day growing rich like capitalists of imperialist countries. They hope to become great manufactures, bankers, fabulously rich merchants, farmers, etc. in order to fulfil these dreams they will need a market for their goods, cheap farm and factory labor, raw materials, etc. they look to the backward areas like the South ideal places for obtaining these requirements. Hence their tendency to stand in the way of the development of these areas and to bring the local people under their cultural and ideological influence.

Danger not grave

Does this mean that the northern bourgeois oppression of the minority groups (or nationalities) is so grave as to be greater than the imperialist danger (as the rightists maintain) or at leas equal to it (as the perplexed school maintain)? No, it is not, nor can it be, for the following reasons:

(1)The bourgeois dream will remain, in the main a dream, and later turn into disillusion. It is a fact that the northern bourgeoisie is economically very weak. It has so far been unable to go beyond small trade, establishment of small urban and rural estates, small control of public transport, cinemas, small manufacture of consumer goods, tailoring, etc. this is because of imperialist capital is constantly squeezing national capital out. Look at our economy and you will see that foreign firms control most of the big business. The chief enemy of the development of national capital is imperialism, and as long as imperialism is around, the Sudanese bourgeoisie will have to content themselves with picking up crumbs from the imperialist table. This explains why intellectuals and political representatives of Sudanese bourgeoisies (the N.U.P) oppose imperialism, while at the same time entertaining the dream of exploiting the masses.

(2) When imperialism is removed from the scene, the bourgeoisie will obtain a chance to develop, but never to the extent of growing will obtain a chance to develop, but never to extent of growing great or fully and dangerously exploiting the minority nationalities. The reason is that growing simultaneously with the struggle against imperialism in our country is the spread of socialist ideas among the Sudanese masses, the call for justice, and an end to inequality, the spread of mass democratic organizations e.g. trade unions, student bodies, peasant associations, and above all the growth of Sudanese

Communist Party, which is taking the lead in the struggle against imperialism. Thus, the struggle against imperialism. As is at the same time the struggle the bourgeoisie. As every thinking Sudanese is realizing every day, the Sudanese bourgeoisie has proved impotent in its leadership of the struggle against imperialism. This means that the leadership must fall into the hands of a more revolutionary class led by the Communist Party and in co-operation with the minority peoples. Thus, when imperialism will have been removed from the Sudanese scene, the bourgeoisie will discover itself surrounded everywhere by a people hostile to capitalism. It will be too late for the bourgeoisie; and capitalism will be assigned to the museum of social history.

(3) Another factor working towards the solution of the South-North contradiction is the active resistance of the southern people themselves. Bourgeois attempts at the suppression of the minority people are still in embryo and will remain like that for a long time.

Since 1950 there has been a political movement in the South, but it has no made progress. Why? Precisely because it has been dominated by rightists’ concepts. The mistake of the rightists lies in ignoring the major contradiction (the struggle against imperialism) or at best subordinating it to the minor contradiction, namely the South-North differences, while the mistake of the perplexed intellectuals lies in their putting the two contradictions on an equal plane. Hence, their dilemma. Thus in order to succeed, one must subordinate the struggle against the northern exploiting classes to the struggle against imperialism.

Two question, however, remain unanswered;

(1) What are the mistakes of the rightists? And (2) What, in the opinion of the Communists is the solution to the South-North contradiction?

To look for the origins of the rightists’ line means to survey the history of the southern political movement. In this way we will also be able to prove these two contradictions and their relative strength and urgency.

In 1821 the Sudan came under Turco-Egyptian rule, and remained so until Mahadist national revolution in 1881. It was an era of gross misgovernment, as is well-know. Its main feature for the South was the introduction on a big scale of the infamous salve-trade, mainly conducted by members of the northern Arab tribes. Whole populations were uprooted and carried away into the salve markets of Elobeid and Omdurman. The salvers encouraged inter-tribal war and made alliances with the local chiefs for the supply of salves. The constant harassing of population by the salvers prevented a normal life; severe famines, disease, epidemics, etc., reduced the population. Added to this was the Turco-Egyptian extortionate taxation system. Salve-trading formed the main obstacle arresting the development of the southern peoples and the contradiction between the South and the salvers therefore constituted the   foremost problem of the day following the Mahadist revolution of 1881 the Sudan was independent for thirteen years but the salve-trade continued to flourish.

The salve –trade contradiction was eliminated by the British colonialists who occupied the Sudan in 1898, smashing the Mahadist administration and exploitation. The main reason for this move was that as an advanced capitalist power, Britain stood in no need of free salve-labour which would only hinder the market for her goods. Accordingly she abolished the salve-trade.

Southerners, however, attributed the abolition of the salve-trade (which was carried out in favour of British capitalist interests) to British good morals. Herein lies one of the misconceptions upon which the rightists’ line is built. The morals of British imperialism, however, proved to be like the morals of a shepherd who rescues a ram from a lion, not in the interest of the ram, but in that of the cooking pot. For it soon became clear to the southern people that the British imperialism in the Southern Sudan was utilized to its maximum.

British colonialism set up a militarist administration all over the Sudan, re-introduced the Turco-Egyptian semi-feudal poll tax system, forcing the southern people to make annual cattle, grain, and later, cash deliveries. They also weakened tribal leadership; instance they broke up the Azande kingdom and smashed the power of Avungura princes and other tribal chiefs, generally turning them into puppets.

With the passage of time the weight of British colonialism increased upon the shoulders of the southern peoples, especially after the introduction of notorious Southern Policy. By this policy the South was cut off from the civilized world, degrading public service scales and wages were introduced for the southern officials and worker; and relations between North and South were cut. Education, which was not allowed until 1924, was very limited and was put under mission control for the purpose of introduction,   instilling an inferiority complex into the people, preaching anti-Arabism to divert attention from colonialism, and turning out no more than a few clerks, book-keeper, dressers, village school-teachers time-keepers and persons of that class. Meanwhile, British rule is well-know and there is no point in saying more here.

British colonialism proved to be the new obstacle standing in the way of the development of the South. The contradiction between the South and Arab salvers had died, and was superseded by a more powerful, more menacing contradiction, which entered all spheres of life, breaking up families and destroying traditional values in addition to its concrete oppression. Hence the origin of the contradiction against imperialism.

Considerable sections of the southern people did not fail to see this menace and they took up the struggle against it. Thus, as early as 1901 the Azande launched a revolution under the leadership of their last king, Budwe. 1902, the Lau Nuer launched another rebellion. This was followed by the Aliab Dinka uprising of 1919, the Malual Dinka revolt of 1922 (under the able leader Bol Yiel), and finally the Nuer war of 1927-1929. All the rebellions were drowned in blood; nor could they have succeeded under the conditions prevalent at the time, including the fact that they were isolated, sporadic, badly armed, and spontaneous.  They were, however, a good lesson from which the magnitude of the task could be assessed. Under the economic and social conditions of the time it was not possible to wage a successful struggle against colonialism.

Imperialism, however, unconsciously breeds the seed of its own destruction. The same is true of British rule in the South. Slowly and imperceptibly the desired conditions began to appear in the southern (Sudan) provinces as well as outside. The commercial exploitation of the South, as well as the efficient functioning of the colonial state machinery, necessitated the building of good roads, the development of river and air transport and telecommunications, thereby breaking down territorial and tribal isolation and bringing the southern people closer together, further, the development of trade and the setting up government development etc., brought about the growth of towns and the appearance of detribalized urban population and a working class. As a result of wholesale expulsion of the Egyptian personnel from the Sudan in 1924, as well as the expulsion northern officials from the South, following adoption of Southern Policy, the colonial administration was left in great need of law class officials (clerks, book-keepers, etc.). to recruit them from aboard would have been expensive as well as politically unsafe. The British were, therefore, compelled to open schools solely for the purpose of turning out that class official. The task was entrusted to the Christian missionaries who opened a number of elementary schools and later three intermediate schools. Thus a strata of southern intelligentsia sprang up.

Further, as a result of World War, British imperialism was very much weakened. National liberation movements began sweeping Asia and Middle East, including Egypt and Northern Sudan, for the war accelerated the principles of liberty and self-determination throughout the world. In the North a demand for the end of colonialism had arisen, political parties had sprung up and attacks were being leveled upon the Southern Policy and British colonialism was put on the defensive. It took to panic and was, therefore, compelled to relax the ‘closed districts’   policy and hurriedly began to set up government schools in the South. Charged by the national liberation movements in the North with planning to separate the South, the British were compelled to issue denials to such a design and to say that it was southerners themselves who wished to stay apart.

Meanwhile, condemned to low wages and intolerably low standards of living, the southern intellectuals began to stir against the British and demanded to be treated in the same way as northern officials. It was in these conditions that Juba Conference was called in 1947. The agenda before the conference was to decide, in effect, whether Southern Policy should continue to prevail or not. Despite the undemocratic atmosphere in which the conference was called, and the prevalence of reactionary elements therein, the decision of both northern and southern delegations was unanimously against the colonialist Southern Policy and for the entry of the southerners into the Legislative Assembly in Khartoum at along with the northerners. Great credit must to be given to Stanislaus Paysame, Clement, Mboro, Siricio Iro, and other southern nationalists for the success of the conference in favour of the national liberation movement.

Following the conference, its heroes –i.e. Stanislaus, Clement, Rodento, Siricio and others-took up opposition action. They proceeded to organize a para-political organization, the Southern Official’ welfare Committee. This organization began to demand the fulfillment of the decisions of the equal work. The call for these demands spread among the people, and in the Spring of 1948 a crippling general strike of all southern officials and workers took place all over the South. The strike achieved its demands as far as officials were concerned, and the workers also got a wage rise.

Meanwhile, in the political field, thirteen southern representatives entered the Legislative Assembly in 1948. The Southern Policy was dead and with it the many restrictions by which it had fettered the development of the southern provinces. The southern people had won a great victory against colonialism. What does this historical survey show? It shows the following:

(1) That the chief enemy of the southern people was British imperialism.

(2) That by allying themselves with the national liberation movement in the North, the southern people could, and were able to, deal telling blows to imperialism and for democracy as well as social and economic improvement.

Thus, until 1948, the strategy of the southern political movement was against imperialism, while its tactic was one of alliance with the national liberation movement in the northern provinces. The success of this strategy and tactic in 1948, as well as the historical conditions we have outlined, proved that the southern political movement was proceeding in the right direction. Whence, then, the rightist line, which while choosing an alliance with imperialism, or at best ignoring it, pursues a course principally directed against the North?

In the first part of this pamphlet we stated that imperialism remains the main enemy of the advancement of the South, while the role of the northern propertied classes in checking this advancement is only secondary. In the second part we traced the course of the southern political history; from 1821 the main obstacle was the salve-trade; from 1898 to 1948 it ceased to be the said evil trade and became British colonialism, and the course taken by the conscious political struggle of the southern people in the latter period corresponded to the main contradiction

How can we explain the fact that after 1948 the rightist line came to predominate in southern politics? In other words, has there been any fundamental economic or social change whereby the northern propertied classes have become the chief enemy of the southern people, in place of imperialism? Hence, this continuation of the historical survey.

We have noted the general direction of the Juba Conference in 1947 and the welfare movement which followed-namely the line of anti-colonialism and alliance with the national liberation movement in the North. But conditions were not ripe for the progressive and steady development of this anti-colonialist line. The terrible economic, social and cultural backwardness of the South imposed by British colonialism, the exclusiveness of   tribal life, the almost complete absence of  a working and a bourgeois nationalist class, isolation of the South, etc., as well as the comparative weakness of the left forces in the national liberation movement in the North- all these smothered healthy southern thinking. The Welfare Committee Movement consisted almost entirely of government officials. There were no professional politicians. They, therefore, experienced organizational difficulties. Besides, their political consciousness was low and they could not strip themselves of British nominees. It was in these circumstances that the rightist line was born.

Following the general strike, the British became aware that, if not brought under control, the Welfare Movement could develop into a wide popular movement. It was, however, too late to suppress it. So the British decided to adopt a cleverer plan of diversion. The more conscious and active leaders, being officials, were transferred to remote districts. Opportunist Gordon Ayom was skillfully smuggled into the leadership of the movement, while in the Legislative Assembly, Sir James Robertson began to groom Buthian line.

From 1950 to February 1953 the activities of Buthians centered around the blocking of constitutional reforms. On December 9, 1950, the Legislative Assembly passed a resolution demanding the setting-up by the Governor-General of a ‘ Constitutional Amendment Commission’ to re-examine the Executive Council Legislative Assembly Ordinance of 1948 and to make such recommendation for its amendment as they considered would increase the value and enhance the efficiency of the Assembly and Council as a practical instrument of democratic self-government with a full measure of parliamentary control.

Buth was nominated by the Governor-General to serve as southern representative on Commission. From the onset Buth played the role of obstructing the Commission. He proposed (with the support of his followers, of whom the writer of this pamphlet was one) that as the South was backward she could not enter into self-government along with the North economically, socially and culturally. Alternatively, the Buthians proposed to the North to drop all claims to self-government and wait for such time as the South should have advanced.

When these demands could not make headway, the Buthians demanded , under the proposed constitution, a special Minister for Southern Affairs; he should himself be a southerner with veto power in Council of Ministers and responsible not to the Council but directly to the Governor-General. This demand was rejected by the leaders of the national liberation movement as the functions of the special minister would mostly have been engineered for deadlocks in the government and bring about a constitutional breakdown and the loss of all constitutional gains of the people.

The February Agreement of 1953 between Egypt and Britain also came under fire from the Buthians. By this time the Buthian line had assumed predominance in the South. In 1953, however, a number of anti-colonialist intellectuals appeared in the South. Among them were Bullen Aleir Bior, Dak-Dei, Santino Ddeng, Thorn AterBar, Vincentio Bazia, Sirici Iro and Rodento Ondzi. The reasons which at first prompted these (official) intellectuals were narrow and, in some cases, personal. That was to be expected. Soon, however, it became clear to them that their problems were part of the vast issue of colonialism which they realized had to be tackled.

The bullenites (if we may so call them) issued the slogan of ‘Down with the British’ and ‘For the alliance with the National Liberation forces in the North’. But beyond the slogan they had no detailed program, nor did the totality of their views coincide. They were isolated by long distances from one another; they were not organized and were not informed of the different currents of the national liberation movement in the North. As we shall see later, all these facts proved to their disadvantage. But none the less they won some mass following, especially among the Nilotes, and secured about six parliamentary seats. The emergency of Bullen group was of decisive importance as it was only with their help that Azhari was able to set up the first nationalist government in January 1954. True to the bourgeois tradition, the bourgeois Government of Azhari betrayed the Bullen group. The bourgeois Government forgot most of promises they had made to the Bullenites and the southern people during the election economic construction, the principle of equal pay for equal work, abolition of poll tax, raising the standard of living of masses, adequate share in the state apparatus, etc.

This failure provided golden propaganda opportunities for the Buthians. In reply, the Government dismissed the southern claims as agitation by ‘mission boys’, ‘half-educated elements’, ‘British agents’, etc. When; later, the Azhari regime realised the wide extent of Buthism it did not correct its position but merely more people to the Buthian camp. The failure of the bourgeois ministry naturally resulted in the rapid isolation of the Bullen group and the group’s final capitulation early in 1955.

In October 1954, the Buthian called a political conference in Juba which was attended by a number of members parliament, chiefs, and local politicians. It was at this conference that federation was made the official policy, while the alliance with colonialism against the   national liberation movement of the North was lifted to the heights. In January 1955, another conference at Juba confirmed the resolution of the October Conference. By this time Bullen and some of his followers had jointed the Buthian opposition, as a result to their disappointment with the National Unionist Party and at the instigation of Salah Salem. These conferences frightened the bourgeois regime the more. The situation became tense, especially after Azhari’s visit to the South in early 1955. more repression followed; among them were the Elia Kuze trial, in the intimidation of chiefs to issue pro-government declarations and the Nzara in Juuly 1955. matters were coming to a head.

On 18 August, 1955, the southern disturbance broke out. The responsibility for the disturbance must rest upon the British and Buthians’ shoulders, but the bourgeois Government of Azhari cannot escape blame either. If the British and the Buthians supplied the explosive, the Azhari Ministry provided the match which detonated the bomb. The detailed causes of mutiny require greater explosion, which cannot be done here for lack room. What is important, however, is that those who had led the rebellion had counted on British military and political aid. Buth himself deserted to the Government. The result was a disillusionment with the British, loss of faith in the Buthian leadership, a blow from which the Buthian members of parliament never recovered. At the same time the southern people were thrown into confusion and did not know what to do. Instead of taking advantage of this situation, the Azhari Government cruelly suppressed the rebellion. Nor were the left and democratic forces in the country strong enough to supply new leadership for the South. It was an opportunity lost.

Unable to find a way out, the southern people soon fell prey to a number of a number of neo-Buthians led by Ezboni Mondiri. Hatred of North became very great, a fact which was most favourable to the neo-Buthians came out with a program which on the one hand emphasized antinorthernism and on the other was completely silent on the other words it was a Tshombe type of program.

Thanks to demagogy, the neo-Buthians won twelve parliamentary seats (of which Ezboni’s was lost) and thanks to their organizational talent they quickly seized the leadership of the Liberation parliamentary block with Saturnino and Joseph Oduho as their key men.

When parliament convened in March 1958, Abdullah Khalil won the Premiership, thanks to the People’s Democratic Party and old Buthians who had become out-and-out Umma and P.D.P. but Khalil’s Government was weak and its continuance in power depended on the most crucial question of the day- the question of American Aid. The majority in the Liberal block stood with opposition (Anti-Imperialist Front, National Unionist Party) against American Aid and determined to bring down the Khalil Government on the issue. A considerable number of P.D.P. leftist M.P.s were prepared to vote against Aid and bring down the Government, if they could receive assurance that the Liberal block would not take their place in coalition with the Umma Party. Such an assurance was not forthcoming, as the eleven members of the neo-Buthian-Saturnino group insisted on the Aid. In this they were in agreement with the old Buthians. They voted for American Aid and thereby prolonged the life of Khalil Government and gave it time to engineer the November military coup.

Now when things are hot it turns out that it is the neoButhian leaders who are the first to quit the country. How strange! But side by side with neo-Buthians were the majority in the Liberian block (seventeen at American Aid vote). These included Stanislaus Paysama, Elijah Kuuol Mayyo, Franco Garang and others. These called for federation. They were, in general, a revival of the Bullen group and the Welfare Movement. Such, very briefly, is the outline of the history of the southern political movement up to November 17, 1958.

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It remains now to draw some conclusions as to the objective direction of that movement. Is it a genuine national liberation movement away from the northern exploiting classes, or a movement against imperialism? That is the main issue demanding an answer.

Before proceeding to attempt an answer, however, we must summarize the policy of the Abboud dictatorship towards the southern national groupings. In our opinion it was a policy of national oppression in earnest, aimed, in the main, at the assimilation of those nationalities into the Arab nation. Hence, the regime’s intensification of suppression of the peoples democratic rights, the imposition of Arabic upon the national groupings and exclusion of their languages from school curriculum, the imposition of Arab bourgeois (Islamic) culture and barefaced economic exploitation of the population, e.g. by unwarranted cattle fines, seizures, etc. Such, in brief, was the character of the regime’s southern policy.

Now we proceed with our conclusions. Our somewhat long survey indicated that there are two lines in the southern movement. First there is the Buthian line-originally championed by Buth and followers. It was continued by the Benjamin Lwoki wing of the Liberal Party and polished by Saturnino and his followers.

Ideologically Buthism remains the predominant line. Its main features are two: namely, alliance with imperialism and local reaction; and spearheading of the southern movement against the Arab nationality as being the principle adversary of the southern people. The second line we shall call after Bullen. Originating from the Nuer-Zande-Dinka armed struggles against British colonialism, it re-appeared as the main southern line at Juba Conference in 1947, continued as the Welfare Movement, entered the first parliament as the platform of the Bullen group of M.P.s and later revived as the standpoint of the Stanislaus-Franco-Elijah wing of Liberal parliamentary block.

The question is which of the two lines is better? First we take the Buthian line. There is no justification for its tactics of alliance with colonialism and reaction. For fifty years the British oppressed the South and one would have expected that movement in the South and one would have expected that movement in the South would foremost be directed against imperialism. Yet it is not so, precisely because the Buthian line has its origin in the bosom of Sir James Rebort son and Governor B.A. Lewis. It follows that the Buthian tactics can only be explained on the basis of opportunism.

It is precisely for this reason that every time Buthism reached a peak, the country has been beset with catastrophes. Instances are the southern disturbances of 1955 and the advent of the Abboud dictatorship to power, for which the Saturnino group were in no small measure responsible.

It is said, by certain persons, that while the Buthian tactic of alliance with imperialism is wrong, one the less the spearheading of the southern political movement against the North is correct. In other words Buth was right in singling out the North as the chief enemy of southern people.

In the first place Buthism arose as early as 1950, and by the beginning of 1954 it had become the dominant line. Yet the northern bourgeoisie took political power effectively only at the end of 1954 and particularly at the beginning of 1955, that is when Sudanization was accomplished. In other words, oppression of the South was impossible before the beginning of 1955. Does this not show that Buthism did not arise out of northern oppression? First you must have oppression then opposition thereto.

In the second place, before independence, there was no economic exploitation of southern people by the North. True there were the Jellaba or northern traders, but the capital in their hands was very small-a case of the pettiest of petty trade. Certainly the Jellaba trade could not have given rise to such a degree of exploitation as to justify turning the North into the chief enemy of the southern people. No opposition developed against them.

Thirdly, it is argued that the Buthian line arose out of the salve-trade of olden times. This argument is incorrect. True, in the nineteenth century, i.e. when that evil trade was current, it would have been proper and understandable for a national movement to arise against the North. But slavery died in 1898, and, as is clear from history, the southern people directed their energies against colonialism. How then does it come about that a national liberation movement should arise out of social grievances buried fifty years ago? That cannot be. True, memories of the salve-trade still persist, and no doubt are accompanied by suspicions. But that is all. Mere suspicions have never given rise to a national liberation movement.

Conversely, the rise of national liberation in the North-a movement in which the bourgeoisie took a prominent part resulted in great democratic gains for the South. The South broke out of the ‘ closed districts’ cage in which the British had confined it and gained parliamentary democracy, civil rights and liberties. Southern government officials gained parity in wages with their northern opposite numbers, and the terms of service of southern workers improved; also the South won more schools, hospitals, and other social services.

Further, history shows that alliance with the northern national liberation movement is not only useful but necessary; for progress in both South and North took place precisely at the point when this alliance was strong and the converse is true. It is also said that the large following of the Buthian line proves its truth. What nonsense! Whoever heard of the correctness of a principle? It follows that the Buthian line opportunist.

The Bullen line is the better policy as it corresponds to the objective historical situation. But to condemn Buthism and prefer the Bullen line does not mean that genuine contradictions do not exist between the Arab nationality and the southern people, nor does it mean that the Bullen line is free from serious mistakes and short-comings.

While the old salve-trade cannot now give rise to a national liberation movement against the North, none the less it was a horrible practice which the southern people have not forgotten, nor will they forget it for a long time, as national animosities die hard. This ill-feeling certainly has left a mark on the southern movement.

Again, since Independence, economic exploitation consists in part of the increased enrichment of the Jellaba who have taken advantage of the opportunities offered by the northern bureaucracy in South. They have now taken numerous trading licences, seized upon a monopoly of government contracts, the grain trade and meat business. There is also exploitation through the bourgeois state; for example, direct taxation, cattle fines, forced labour and the inequality of wages. One must also mention bourgeois investments in agriculture, particularly in coffee and cotton schemes which rely on cheap southern labour. More important is the migration of cheap southern labour for exploitation in the North.

No doubt this economic exploitation forms a basis of genuine contradictions between the southern people and the Arab exploiting classes; but having   regard to its small scale the contradiction engendered by it should not be antagonistic. One must also take into account northern claims that more is spent in the South than is being taken out of it- claims which we can neither accept nor reject pending a through statistical study of the southern economy as a whole. Our economic arguments as to exploitation should, therefore, be taken with reserve, pending proof. Contradictions also arise from the policy of suppression applied in the South particularly by the present dictatorship.

Thus, there is definitely a case for southern outcries against the northern exploiting classes. The point is that one must not exaggerate the extent of this case as the Buthians do, nor pretend that the South-North condition does not exist, as most middle-class northerners thinks. The mistake of Bullen parliamentary group (1954-1955) lay precisely in the fact that they failed to notice the possibility of a South-North contradiction and gave their whole hearts to their bourgeois allies ( i.e. the N.U.P.).

Why these South-North contradictions? We have stated repeatedly that their origin lies in the dual nature of the Arab bourgeoisie. As a semi-colonial bourgeoisie, they inevitably have two faces. On the one hand they feel the oppression of imperialism which is constantly washing them down the drain out of the market. So they find common cause with the people. To this extent they are really willing to mobilize the people against colonialism, put forward democratic and nationalist slogans and point fingers at imperialism with cries of ‘wolf’. On the other hand they dream that after the imperialist wolf has gone they will seize the market, exploit the people to enrich themselves and become the new ‘wolf’. This explains why the bourgeoisie are always wonderful ‘boys’ when they are in the opposition but soon show teeth when in the saddle. Herein lies the weakness of Bullen parliamentary group, who could clearly see the rusty side of the coin.

Bullen’s failure was inevitable because he failed to rely on the broad, democratic, and, particularly, working-class movement in the North. The working-class is also exploited by the bourgeoisie. The workers have no capital with which they can exploit the national minorities. Their desire is for a better life; hence their slogans for independence, democracy, equality, etc., are genuine. The northern working-class is, therefore, the best ally of the southern people, while the bourgeoisie can only be allies to certain limit-the limit of the struggle against imperialism. Without a firm alliance between the southern people and the working-class, there can be no talk of victory by the southern people.

We are now in a position to summarise the whole of our discussion so far.

(1)   If the southern political movement is not objectively directed against the Arab nationality, and if the objective conditions in fact suggest an anti-imperialist movement, then it follows that the southern political movement is a wave against imperialism despite all Buthian appearances.

(2)   The spearheading of the movement against Arab nationality arose not out of a genuine national liberation movement against the later, but out of British machinations injected into the movement via the Buth-Saturnino opportunists. As such Buthism is bound to be washed away by history and will disappear.

(3)   At the same time contradictions exist between the southern people and the Arab exploiter-classes but these contradictions, while they will certainly increase to some extent, nevertheless are not likely to develop to an antagonistic stage, for reasons stated earlier, namely: the extreme economic and political weakness of the Arab bourgeoisie; the ever-widening mass democratic movement in country led by the working-class and its vanguard, the Communist Party; the resistance of the southern people themselves, and finally the worldwide upheaval of the mass of people who are demanding democracy, a better life and peace.

(4)   The task of our democrats is to eliminate the South-North contradictions in interests of further advance of the whole of the Sudanese people towards progress, democracy and peace. Such an elimination is impossible without an alliance between the southern national groupings and the working-class, led by its political organization-the Communist Party.


Adopted from Parek Maduot blog:





President Kiir delivering his speech at the independence celebration


YOUR Excellency, Field Marshal Omar Hassan Ahmed Al- Bashir, President of  the Republic of  the Sudan, Your Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-Moon, Secretary General of  the United Nations, Your Excellency Mr. Teodoro Obiang Nguma, Mbasogo, Chairperson of  the African Union and President of  the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, Your Excellencies Heads of States and Governments, Your excellencies heads of delegations, Your Excellencies Sudanese political party leaders and leaders of the three branches of  our Government, Distinguished members of the diplomatic corps and invited guests, the friends of South Sudan, and most importantly the people of South Sudan, I welcome you all to this historic event in the name of Almighty God and in the name of the glorious revolution of the people of South Sudan. Before I proceed with my address, may we rise up to observe a minute of silence in honor of our fallen heroes and heroines who paid the ultimate price for our freedom and dignity.

This day would not been possible without their sacrifices. Let me also once again state clearly the sacrifice made by the founder of the nation, Dr. John Garang De Mabior. The great day is testimony that our martyrs did not die in vain!

May I also take this opportunity to thank you all for honoring our invitation to come and celebrate with us during this momentous occasion for our people.

We also thank all invitees who sent us congratulatory messages and promised to visit us when they are able to do so in the future.

I salute the freedom fighters from all the Northern Sudan who joined the SPLM and are still yearning for true peace, justice and democracy.

The people and Government of The Republic of South Sudan will stand with you in solidarity and in the search for permanent peace.

Your Excellencies, distinguished ladies and Gentlemen, today is the most important day for the people of South Sudan, the proclamation of whose birth and emergence as a member of the community of the nations you have just witnessed.

It is a day which will be forever engraved in our hearts and minds.

For you our citizens in the villages, bomas, payams, counties, states and the diaspora, let us congratulate ourselves and give praise to Almighty God for having made it possible for us to witness this day.

We have waited for 56 years for this day. It is a dream that has come true!

My dear compatriots, today is the day to take off our hats in saluting and honoring our martyrs, heroes and heroines.

It is the day to ponder how much Dr. John Garang De Mabior, founder of our nation, and all our martyrs whose blood has cemented our national foundation, have done for us.

It is the occasion to cherish the true value of this achievement.

While it is time to remind ourselves about the true implications of their ultimate sacrifice; it is also right time to assess what we have done for their loved ones who have survived them.

I take this opportunity to assure you that the government of the Republic of South Sudan will continue to do everything possible to care for the families of our heroes and heroines

We must thank all the friends in the world because without their support and commitment, we may not have made it to this day.

They were with us during our dark days.

They gave us food when we were hungry, water when we were thirsty, medication when we were sick, courage when we were weakened, they gave education to our children, and most important, they stayed with us to the end.

A happy day like this should not dwell on bad memories, but it is important to recognize that for many generations this land has seen untold suffering and death.

We have been bombed, maimed, enslaved and treated worse than a refugee in our own country.

We may forgive but we will not forget.

Let me also say that some of our suffering has been self-inflicted.

We squabble over issues that can be resolved peacefully.

We invite our common enemies to help us kill ourselves.

May this day mark a new beginning of tolerance, unity and love for one another.

Let our cultural and ethnic diversity be a source of pride and strength, not parochialism and conflict.

Let all the citizens of this new nation be equal before the law and have equal access to opportunities and equal responsibilities to serve the motherland.

We are all South Sudanese.

We may be a Zande, Kakwa, Nuer, Toposa, Dinka, Lotuko, Anywak, Bari, and Shilluk, but remember you are South Sudanese first.

This new nation shall strive to live in peace with its neighbours to the north, east, and west.

The Republic of South Sudan shall be partner in all human endeavors that promote security, justice, liberty and prosperity.

As South Sudanese we know how it fells to be deprived of freedom and dignity.

This republic is at the tail end of economic development.

All the indices of human welfare put us at the bottom of all humanity.

All citizens of this nation must therefore dedicate their energies and resources to the construction of a vibrant economy.

The independence we celebrate today transfers the responsibility for our destiny to our hands.

From today on we shall have no excuse or scapegoats to blame.

It is our responsibility to protect ourselves, our land and our resources.

It shall be the duty of this government to prepare and equip the next generation with the necessary skills.

The challenges are great but we must begin the task of facing up to them from today.

While the pillars of a house are important, its foundation is even more critical.

We must build a strong foundation for our new nation.

During the interim period the government of South Sudan faced daunting challenges from within and without.

The consequence has been the inability to deliver basic services to our people.

We are grateful to the international community for addressing the gap.

As an independent country, we must focus on the process of service delivery and development.

This is only possible if we have a government whose first, second, and final priorities are public interest and public interest and public interest!

Governments are set up to serve the people they present. But it is also the duty and responsibility of people to recognize the limitations of government especially as regards to resources.

We must acknowledge the fact that our needs may be unlimited whereas our resources are finite. Once we are able to do this with honesty and high sense of realism, together we can determine and set our own priorities.

Our leaders from most humble ranks to the highest offices in the land have to rally behind this national call.

Our leaders, be they in politics, administration, churches and the entire civil society are collectively responsible for serving the public interest first and self last.

Those who are unwilling or unable to make the sacrifices required in the public service will not be part of this government.

They have options through which to satisfy personal aspirations and pursue other ambitions outside government.

Transparency and accountability is pivotal.

Official corruption has been one of our major challenges during the interim period.

In order to develop our country, and deliver on the important goals of our National Development Plan, it is critical that we fight corruption with dedication, rigour and commitment.

As President I pledge to you to do all you can to remove this cancer.

We will work closely with our development partners as we move forward.

Notwith standing decades of war and suffering, the people of South Sudan do not harbor any bitterness towards our erstwhile compatriots.

Our people by their attitude and actions will demonstrate to our Sudanese brothers and sisters and to all our neighbours that we are indeed their partners in peace-committed to the principle of good neighborliness.

We sincerely hope that all outstanding matters between us will be resolved expeditiously and in a manner that leaves neither side nursing a sense of injustice.

Addressing remaining differences will help eliminate any irritants that will prevent the two states from having amicable and productive relations.

Your excellencies Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, as we look forward to becoming Africa’s 54th state and 193rdnation of the United Nations, South Sudan pledges to abide by international conventions to which we shall seek to accede as soon as possible.

We will be a responsible member of the international community, playing our role as defined by international law and as dictated by our own values and ethics.

Having been at the receiving end of injustice and aggression for the better part of our post-colonial independence, the people of South Sudan will never allow themselves to be categorized as aggressors or trouble-makers.

We the people of South Sudan have experienced what it is to be a refugee we hope that this has been our last war and that our people will never again have to cross our borders in search of security.

Those who flee to our country from war or persecution will be treated with sympathy and empathy and in accordance with international law because not only is it the right thing to do but more importantly it would be one way for us to say thank you to the world for what it has done for us.

Let me take this opportunity to say thank to all the countries, international NGOs; particularly NPA, multilateral organizations and the tax payers who fund them in order to keep us alive.

Excellencies distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, the people of South are thrilled  and gratified that a good number of  the very important people who have honoured us with their presence here today represent countries which played a crucial role in brokering the peace agreement that paved the way for this historic event.

These include heads of state and governments as well as other dignitaries who signed the CPA as witnesses.

In the eyes of our people you are friends and heroes.

At this juncture,  may I ask your excellencies, distinguished ladies and gentlemen to join me  in paying tribute to all those who gave us a hand when we were badly in need.

Please join me and let us wave to the masses of South Sudan and offer them the opportunity to see you physically and say thank you to all of you.

My Dear compatriots South Sudanese, the eyes of the world are on us.

Our well-wishers including those who are now sharing with us the joy of this tremendous event will be watching closely to see if our very first steps in nationhood are steady and confident. They will surely want to see us as a worthwhile member of the international community by shunning policies that may draw us into confrontation with others.

They will be happy to see us succeed economically and want us to enjoy political stability.

What this means is that the responsibilities of South Sudan will now be accentuated more than ever before, requiring that we rise to the challenge accordingly.

It is my ardent belief that you are aware that our detractors have already written us off, even before the proclamation of our independence.

They say we will slip into civil war as soon as our flag is hoisted.

They justify that by arguing we are incapable of resolving our problems through dialogue.

They charge that we are quick to revert to violence.

They claim that our concept of democracy and freedom is faulty.

It is incumbent upon us to prove them all wrong!

On this note, I would like to again declare a public amnesty to all those who may have taken up arms for one reason or another to lay down those arms and come to join your brothers and sisters to build this new nation.

Now that we have obtained the proverbial political kingdom, we are called upon to do what it takes to sustain a sovereign nation.

We now have to focus on economic development as the key to prosperity and satisfaction of all the human needs that make life worth living.

The resources with which nature has endowed our land are abundant and enough to attract the interest of development partners both from the public and private sectors from many countries across the world.

So we should exploit these possibilities to better the lives of our people.

Our success in achieving economic progress obviously lies in our hands.

While investing in human capital development, we may need to engage international expertise and professional assistance in some areas of management of our economy, but we must provide the requisite leadership in that respect.

We will not shy away from seeking outside support in areas that we are in need at this critical juncture.

Critical to the future of our people and the endeavour to fulfill their aspirations, match their hopes and ambitions, is a government that is democratic, inclusive and accountable.

My pledge to you, when you cry, we cry, when you bleed, we bleed. I pledge to you today that we will find a just peace for all.

I will work with my brother president Al- Bashir and the international community to find a just and lasting peace.

There is an African proverb that says: The night may be too long; but the day will come for sure! And let me tell you, I see the light at the end of the tunnel. Let us celebrate today, but we must get to work right away.

Finally, a stable and peaceful South Sudan requires a region at peace. I would like to strongly urge my brothers in Ethiopia and Eritrea to find a peaceful way to resolve their differences.

I would also like to appeal to my brothers in Somalia to do the same. And that will be a special gift for the people of South Sudan.

Thank you and God bless the people and republic of South Sudan!

God bless our neighbours!

God bless Africa and the world!

2010 Election: Parliament of South Sudan

Posted: July 11, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in History

Political Parties Represented:-

Sudan People’s liberation Movement, SPLM
National Congress Party, NCP (Northern)
South Sudan Defense Force, SSDF
Sudan African National Union, SANU
United Democratic Front, UDF
Union of Sudan African Parties 1, USAP 1
Union of Sudan African Parties 2, USAP 2
United Democratic Sudan Forum, UDSF
Members of Southern Sudan Assembly


Hon. Lt.Gen. James Wani Igga (SPLM)

Deputy Speaker

Hon. Lawrence Lual Lual (NCP)
Representatives From Western Bahr El-Ghazal State

Raga – Mr. Antony Alex Bakumba (SPLM)
Raga – Mr. Nicola Jabir Ali (SPLM)
Raga – Mrs. Umjuma Juma Sabil (SPLM)
Raga – Mr. Ramadhan Alamin Musa (SPLM)
Raga – Mr. Ahmed Juma Mohamed (SPLM)
Wau – Mr. Paulino Apinyi Akol (SPLM)
Wau – Mr. Joseph Isaac Julu (SPLM)
Wau – Mr. Wol Akec Akuol (SPLM)
Wau – Ms. Veronica Dominic Ubu (SPLM)
Wau – Prof. Bari Nangara Wanji (SPLM)
Wau – Mrs. Mary Cirilo Bang (SPLM)
Representatives From Northern Bahr El-Ghazal State

Aweil Centre – Mr. Stephen Ajongo Akol (SPLM)
Aweil South – Mr. Arthur Akuein Chol (SPLM)
Aweil North – Mr. Deng Thiep Akok (SPLM)
Aweil North – Mr. Lual Ding Wol (SPLM)
Aweil West – Chief Garang Kuac Kuac (SPLM)
Aweil East – Mr. Kom Kom Geng (SPLM)
Aweil East – Mr. Akuei Ajou Akuei (SPLM)
Aweil East – Mr. Peter Lual Lual (SPLM)
Aweil South –
Aweil South – Ms. Josephine Moses Lado (SPLM)
Northern Bahr el Ghazal -25% Women representation
Ms. Akon Bol Akok (SPLM)
Representatives From Warrap State

Tonj North – Mr. Antony Bol Madut (SPLM)
Tonj South – Mrs. Mary Nyibol Arou (SPLM)
Tonj South – Mr. Nhial Deng Nhial (SPLM)
Gogrial West – Mr. James Lual Deng (SPLM)
Gogrial West – Mr. Joseph Lual Achuil (SPLM)
Gogrial East – Justice Ambrose Riny Thiik (SPLM)
Twic West – Mr. Domic Dim Deng (SPLM)
Twic – Ms. Victoria Adhar Arop (SPLM)
Twic East – Dr. Justin Yach Arop (SPLM)
Abyei – Mr. Deng Arop Kuol (SPLM)
Abyei – Mr. Arop Madut Gutnyiel (SPLM)
Representatives From Lakes State

Yirol West – Mr. Andria Anhiem Alit (SPLM)
Wulu – Mr. Andrea Yodo Maktab (SPLM)
Rumbek North – Mr. Daniel Deng Monydit (SPLM)
Rumbek Centre – Dr. Peter Nyot Kok (SPLM)
Yirol East – Mr. Daniel Ayual Makoi (SPLM)
Yirol – Mrs. Monica Nyacut Arok (SPLM)
Rumbek – Mrs. Monica Ayen Maguat (SPLM)
Awerial – Mr. Benjamin Bolek Agakic (SPLM)
Cueibet – Mr. Daniel Awet Akot (SPLM)
Rumbek – Mr. William Ater Maciek (SPLM)
Cueibet – Mrs. Amelia Aluel Bol (SPLM)
Representatives From Upper Nile State

Mawuit County – Mr. James Reat Gony (SPLM)
Nasir County – Mr. Simon Kun Puoc (SPLM)
Ulang County – Mr. Daniel Wuor Joak (SPLM)
Bailiet County – Mr. Dok Michar Chol (SPLM)
Bailiet County – Mr. Elijah Bioc Kur (SPLM)
Melut County – Mr. Elijah Awan Bol (SPLM)
Maban County – Mr. Doka Kuc Long Nyigoor (SPLM)
Renk County – Mr. Kur Akol Deng (SPLM)
Malakal County – Mr. Pagan Amum Okyech (SPLM)
Fashoda County – Mr. Henry Omai Akolawin (SPLM)
Malakal County – Mrs. Abuk Payiti Ayik (SPLM)
Representatives From Jonglei State

Akobo – Mr. John Luk Jok (SPLM)
Waat – Mr. Nyang Chuol Dhuor (SPLM)
Lou Area – Ms. Mary Nyachin Chol (SPLM)
Bor South – Mr. Michael Makuei Lueth (SPLM)
Duk – Mr. Maker Deng Malau (SPLM)
Bor North – Mrs. Rebecca Nyadeng De Mabior (SPLM)
Fangak – Mr. John Kong Nyuon (SPLM)
Fangak South – Mr. Timothy Tot Chol (SPLM)
Maguan Fangak – Mrs. Angelina Nyamuoha M. (SPLM)
Pibor – Mrs. Bangot Amum (SPLM)
Pochalla – Mr. Stephen Ogut (SPLM)
Bor Central – Dr.Col Dau Ding (SPLM)
Representatives From Unity State

Mayom County – Mr. Puok Bol Mut (SPLM)
Pariang County – Mr. Benjamin Majok Dau (SPLM)
No constituency – Mrs. Mary Majok Kiir (SPLM)
Guit County – Mr. Thomas Kume Kan (SPLM)
Leer County – Mr. Manguel Thiep Makuac (SPLM)
Mayendit County – Mr. George Kel Gatwech (SPLM)
Koch county – Rev. Mathew Mathiang Deng (SPLM)
Payinjar County – Rev. Michael Muot Diew (SPLM)
Rubkona – Mr. William Wour Dador (SPLM)
No constituency – Mrs. Nyaluok Tiong Gatluak (SPLM)
Abiemnhom County – Mr. Zacharia Bol Deng Kot (SPLM)
Representatives From Western Equatoria State

Yambio County – Mr. Antony Lino Makana (SPLM)
Nzara County – Miss Aida Erimino Wande (SPLM)
Iba County – Mr. Richard Ghinzakumba T. (SPLM)
Ezo County – Mr. David Tadeo Badai (SPLM)
Maridi County – Mr. Peter Bashir Bendi (SPLM)
Tambura County – Mr. John David Sakpio (SPLM)
Mundiri West County – Mr. Philip Koti Walla (SPLM)
Mvolo County – Mr. David Dekori Alili (SPLM)
Najero County – Mr. Col Pascal Bandindi Uru (SPLM)
Mundri East County – Mr. Richard K. Mulla (SPLM)
No constituency –
Representatives From Eastern Equatoria State
Torit/Ikotos – Mr. Hiliary Odwar Tobiolio (SPLM)
Torit – Mr. Theophilous Ochang (SPLM)
Lafon – Mr. Nartiso Luluke (SPLM)
Budi – Ms. Lucy Iyaya (SPLM)
Kapoeta South – Mr. Martin Lorika Lojam (SPLM)
Kapoeta North – Fr. Kinga George Longoko (SPLM)
Kapoeta North – Mr. Peter Longole Kuam (SPLM)
Kapoeta East:-
Kapoeta East – Mr. Daniel Achila Ajur (SPLM)

Representatives From Central Equatoria State

Juba County – Mr. James Wani Igga (SPLM)
Juba County – Mr. Oliver Mori Benjamin (SPLM)
Morobo County – Mr. Sebastian Adukule (SPLM)
Morobo County – Rev. Remijo Lasu Peter (SPLM)
Lainya County – Dr. Samson L. Kwaje (SPLM)
Yei County – Mr. Ismael Mathew Mukhtar (SPLM)
Yei County – Mr. Lubari Ramba Lokolo (SPLM)
Yei County – Mrs. Agnes Kwaje Lasuba (SPLM)
Kejo Keji – Mr. James Janga Duku (SPLM)
Terekeka County- Mr. Emmanuel Joseph W. Legge (SPLM)
Terekeka County – Mr. Augustino Taban Micah (SPLM)
Appointed Members

Lt. Col. Madut Biar Yel – SPLA Representative
Lt. Col. Nikedimo Kuol Mayen – Police Representative
Major General Ismael Konyi – SSDF Representative
Mr. John Peter Miskin – SSDF Representative
Col. Bol Gatkuoth – SSDF Representative
Mr. Bul Deng Bul – SSDF Representative
Mr. David Nailo N. Mayo – SPLM Representative
Mrs. Awut Deng Acwil – SPLM Representative
Mrs. Mary Ayat Unguec – SPLM
RepresentativeNational Congress Party (NCP)

Bahr El-Ghazal – Mr. Lawrence Lual Lual
Central Equatoria – Mrs. Margaret Peter Abudi
Central Equatoria – Mr. Adam Fudo Diyo
Central Equatoria – Mr. Mohamed Al Hag Baballa
Eastern Equatoria – Ceaser Baya L.
Eastern Equatoria – Mr. John Oromo Itorong
Jonglei – Mrs. Nyang Achiek Mabior
Jonglei – Mr. Thomas Omot Opodhi
Lakes – Mr. Isaac Awan Maper
Lakes – Mr. Abdon Akec Majuc
Lakes – Mr. Andrew Machek Allah Jabu
Northern Bahr El-Ghazal – Mr. Tor Deng Mawan
Northern Bahr El-Ghazal – Mr. Tong Akeen Ngor
Upper Nile – Mr. Jock Dai Deng
Upper Nile – Mr. Riek Bol Nyoac
Upper Nile – Mr. Joseph Bol Chan
Warrap – Mr. Alessio Maluil
Western Bahr El-Ghazal – Mr. Awad Rizig Saeed
Western Bahr El-Ghazal – Mrs. Ayuel Longer Akol
Western Equatoria – Stewart Walla Gideon
Western Equatoria – Mrs. Ayida Joseph Akiili
Western Equatoria – Mr. Alfred Baraket Manga
Unity – Mr. Jalal Eldin Jok
Unity – Mr. Georget Lat Mading
Unity – Mr. Michael Manyiel Chol
Representatives of Other Southern Political Parties

Bahr El Ghazal – Mr. Martin Monyjang (USAP 2)
Bahr El Ghazal – Mr. John Makey Aley (USAP 1)
Bahr El Ghazal – Mr. Akilo Deng Agwet (UDSF)
Bahr El Ghazal – Dr. Bol Luth (UDF)
Central Equatoria – Dr. Jimmy Wongo Meiji (USAP 1)
Central Equatoria – Mrs. Joy Kwaje Eluzai (USAP 1)
Central Equatoria – Mr. Martin Aligo Abe (USAP 2)
Central Equatoria – Ms. Ester Ikere Eluzai (SANU)
Central Equatoria – Mr. Sebit Abbe Worojebi (SSDF)
Central Equatoria – Eliaba James Surur (USAP 2)
Eastern Equatoria – Mr. Martin Tako Moi (UDSF)
Jonglei – Mr. Mabior Alek Deng (USAP 1)
Jonglei – Mr. Philip Palet Gadin (SANU)
Jonglei – Mr. Abel Gak Them Aru (SSDF)
Jonglei – Mr. Ater Abiel (UDSF)
Lakes – Mr. Gabriel Matur Malek (SANU)
Upper Nile – Mr. Angelo Gwang Ding (USAP 2)
Upper Nile – Mr. Jacob Dwang Wan (UDSF)
Upper Nile – Mr. George Par Puk (UDF)
Upper Nile – Dr. Michael Wal Duany (SSDF)
Warrap – Dr. Toby Madut Parek (SANU)
Warrap – Mr. David Kwac Gok – (UDF)
Warrap – Mr. Andrew Kwac Machol (SSDF)
Western Bahr El-Ghazal – Mr. Ufondi Ndima Fibel (USAP 1)
Western Equatoria – Rt. Gen. Ayoub Philip Faza (USAP 1)
Western Equatoria – Mrs. Sonia Zeno Riko (UDF)
Chairpersons of Specialized Committees of South Sudan Legislative AssemblySecurity & Public Order

Mr. Daniel Deng Monydit (SPLM)
Public Accounts – Dr. Jimmy Wongo (USAP 2)
Members Affairs – Mr. Joseph Bol Chan (NCP)
Development, Economic & Finance – Prof. Barri A. Wanji (SPLM)
Information & Culture – Mr. Peter Bashir Gbandi (SPLM)
Regional & International Cooperation – Mrs. Agnes Kwaje Losuba (SPLM)
Energy, Industry & Mining – Mr. William Wuor Dador (SPLM)
Gender, Social Welfare, Youth & Sports – Mr. Abuk Payiti Ayik (SPLM)
Peace & Reconciliation – Mrs. Mary Nyaulang Ret (SPLM)
Services & Physical Infrastructure – Mr. Kom Kom Geng (SPLM)
Legislation & Legal Affairs – Mr. Deng Arop Kuol (SPLM)
Education & Research, Science & Technology – Nartisio Loluke Manir (SPLM)
Public Services & Administration – Angelo Gwang Ding (USAP 2)
Human Right & Humanitarian Affairs – Margaret Peter Abudi (NCP)
Land, Natural Resources & Environment – Gabriel Matur Malek (SANU)


Adopted from Korok Youths blog:

2011 South Sudan Referendum: Southern Sudan Referendum Act Draft

Posted: July 11, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in History

Southern Sudan Referendum Act Draft

Following are the referendum bill for residents of southern Sudan, which determines the fate of this region, between the separation and the formation of an independent state or unification with the north, in the same country. Will be synchronized with the self-determination referendum for southern Sudan. He was placed on the law to Parliament for approval.
• Draft Southern Sudan Referendum Act for a year in 2009 pursuant to the provisions of the Interim National Constitution of the Republic of Sudan for the year 2005, passed the National Legislature and the President signed the following law:
• Chapter I Introductory provisions, the name of the law and commencement 1. This law is called Southern Sudan Referendum Act for the year 2009», and works from the date of signature.
• In this Act, unless the context otherwise requires:
Referendum: means the process of taking the opinion of residents of Abyei area in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and the law.
• Secretariat: means the Secretariat of the Abyei Referendum Commission provided for in Article 19 of this Law.

• Card register: means the registration card issued by the Abyei Referendum Commission to prove registration in the referendum.

• Ballot: means the card issued by the Abyei Referendum Commission to enable the voter to exercise their right to referendum.

• Outreach Program: Outreach Program is intended for the referendum provided for in Chapter V of this law to educate and inform residents of Abyei Area for the referendum and how to exercise their right to do so.

• Convention: means the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed on the ninth of January for the year 2005 between the Government of the Republic of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army Sudan.

• Constitution: means the Interim National Constitution of the Republic of Sudan for the year 2005.

• Government: means the Government of National Unity set forth in Chapter V of Part III of the Constitution.

• Government of Southern Sudan: means the Government of Southern Sudan established in accordance with the Convention and Chapter I of Part atheist ten of the Constitution and Chapter IV of the Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan for the year 2005.

• President of the Commission: means the President-designate and in accordance with the provisions of Article 16 of this Law.

• Vice President: is meant by the Deputy Chairperson of the Commission appointed in accordance with the provisions of Article 16 of this Law.

• Chairman of the Commission on the Status of the referendum: means the referendum commission president, the Center appointed in accordance with the provisions of Article 23 of this Law.

• Chairman of the Sub-Commission: means the referendum commission president, the province appointed in accordance with the provisions of Article 23 of this Law.

• Register referendum: means the record prepared by the Office of the referendum, which includes persons who are entitled to vote in the referendum in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and the law.

• Member: means the member of the Office of the Abyei referendum provided for in this Law.

• Sub-Commission: means the Sub-Commission for the referendum in the province set out in Article 23 of this Law.

• Court: means any of the courts which are formed by the head of the national judiciary in the Abyei area at the request of the Presidency by the Abyei Protocol.

• Center of the referendum: means a status determined by the Referendum Commission to conduct the registration and polling and counting and counting and the result was announced.

• Commission: means the area of Abyei Referendum Commission established under the provisions of Article 8 of this law.

• Corrupt practices: means any of the practices provided for in Chapter V of this law.

• Voters: is all Sudanese meets the conditions set forth in Article 25 of this law.

• Abyei area: means the geographical area set forth in Presidential Decree No. 18 of 2009 for the adoption of resolution Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague.

• District: means the administrative unit of local government area of Abyei.
Application of 3 – The provisions of this law on the referendum organized by UNHCR in cooperation with the Government and the Government of Southern Sudan to monitor an international six months, on the ninth of January 2011, the end of the transitional period and in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and the law.
• Chapter II: The right of self-determination and the referendum exercise the right of self-determination 4. Exercise the people of South Sudan the right to self-determination through a referendum to determine their future in accordance with the provisions of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Constitution and the law.
Referendum 5. Hold the referendum provided for in Article 4 above, in southern Sudan and other sites six months before the end of the transitional period, organized by UNHCR, in collaboration with the Government and the Government of Southern Sudan and the international control.

• The referendum option 6. Vote the people of South Sudan when exercising the right to self-determination through a referendum vote, either:
(1) to confirm the unity of Sudan and the sustainability of the system of government established by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Constitution, or (2) separation.
Appropriate environment for the exercise of the referendum 7. To ensure freedom of the will of the people of South Sudan to express their views in accordance with the provisions of Article 6 above, at different levels of government commitment to creating an appropriate environment for the exercise of the referendum and are as follows:

• (A) Ensure the existence of the environment and security conditions are appropriate for the preparation and organization of the free exercise of the right of self-determination.
(B) Ensure freedom of expression for all members of the Sudanese people in general and South Sudan, especially to enable them to disseminate their views on the referendum through the media and any other means.
(C) To ascertain the existence of freedom of assembly and movement of all the people of South Sudan in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and the provisions of this law.
(D) Ensuring the presence of members of IGAD and its partners and representatives of the United Nations and the European Union and the African Union and other international bodies as witnesses to the signatories of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement to be observers for the referendum.
(E) To ensure the presence of local civil society organizations and regional and international surveillance of all procedures for the awareness campaign for the referendum.
(F) Ensure that the registered political parties wishing to under the law of political parties of the year in 2007, organizations and groups adhering to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement had been given equal opportunities to express their views on the two referendum options.
(G) To ensure awareness and voter registration and the protection and guarantee their right to vote by secret ballot without fear or awe.
• Chapter III Office of UNHCR headquarters and structure of 8.
(1) Establish the Presidency immediately after the issuance of this law, called the Office of the «Office of the referendum for southern Sudan» have legal personality and common seal and the right to sue in its name.
(2) The UNHCR headquarters in Khartoum and have an office in Juba, Southern Sudan Referendum.
(3) The structure of the Office of the following:

(A) the headquarters of the Office.
(B) Office of the referendum for southern Sudan.
(C) The Secretariat.
(D) High Commissions of the referendum mandates.
(E) Sub-committees of the provincial referendum.
(F) The polling stations.
• The independence of the Commission 9. UNHCR should be financially and administratively independent, technical, and exercise all its functions and powers stipulated in this law in full independence and impartiality, transparency and integrity, and prohibits any party to interfere in its affairs and its terms of reference or limitation of powers.
Composition and membership of the Commission 10.
(1) Consists of the Office of President, Vice President and seven members appointed by the President with the consent of Senior Vice President and in accordance with the provisions of Article 58 (2) (c) of the Constitution and with the consent of the members of the National Legislature by a simple majority, taking into account the breadth of representation to women and other civil society organizations.

• (2) Must be available in the member is that the following conditions:
(A) be a Sudanese by birth.
(B) Is known for its independence, efficiency and non-partisan and impartiality.
(C) Under the age of forty years.
(D) Be of sound mind.
(E) Be able to read and write.
(F) Not have been convicted of a crime involving honesty or moral turpitude, even if pardoned.
(3) Term of office expires at the end of the transitional period the Commission or as provided in Articles 11 and 12 below.
(4) Each of the chairman and his deputy on the basis of a full-time.
Vacancy 11.
(1) Free office in the Office of any of the following reasons:
(A) a decision under the provisions of Article 12 below.
(B) Accept the resignation by the Presidency.
(C) Mental or physical illness crippling medical certificate from the medical board.
(D) Death.
(2) In the case of vacancy of a member of any of the reasons mentioned in item (1) above, the selection of a successor at a maximum period of thirty days the same procedures and conditions set forth in Article 10 (2) of this Act.
Terminate the membership or insulation 12.
(1) Membership shall be forfeited by the President with the consent of the First Deputy of any of the following reasons:
(A) frequent absences of five consecutive meetings without permission or an acceptable excuse to lift the UNHCR report this to the presidency.
(B) Conviction of a crime involving honesty or moral turpitude upon notification by the Commission.
(2) The President of the Republic with the consent of First Vice-resolution version of the removal of any member because of inefficiency in terms of reference for UNHCR and its powers and procedures of the recommendation of the Commission.
Department chairman and his deputy and members of the Commission 13. The president and his deputy and other members of the Commission following oath before the President of the Republic:
(As I am in the Office of Southern Sudan Referendum I swear by Almighty God that I will perform my duties and responsibilities faithfully and impartially, and full independence without any favoritism or bias to any party and abide by the Constitution and the law of God and the helper / God is my witness.
• Functions and powers of the Commission 14.
(1) The Office will provide security and ensure the enjoyment of all without distinction as voters exercise their right of free opinion in a secret referendum on self-determination shall be in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and the law.
(2) Without prejudice to the generality of the provisions of paragraph (1) above, the Commission functions and powers as follows:
(A) organizing the referendum and supervision in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution in collaboration with the Government and the Government of Southern Sudan.
(B) Prepare a register of the referendum and the revision and adoption, save, and issuance of registration card.
(C) Identification of polling stations of fixed and mobile as the case in accordance with the provisions of this law.
(D) General controls of the referendum and to take operational measures to do so.
(E) Establish procedures for the organization of the referendum and the adoption of the observers.
(F) Identifying measures and systems, schedule and registration centers and polling in the referendum as well as to identify systems of discipline and freedom, justice and confidentiality in the conduct of polling and registration and monitoring the guarantor for that.
(G) Discipline Statistics and tabulating the ballots and control systems preliminary results of the referendum and declare the final result of the referendum.
(H) The deferral of any compelling circumstance referendum approval of the Government and the Government of Southern Sudan and to identify new dates have, in accordance with the provisions of this law.
(I) Cancel the referendum result in any polling station on the decision of the court if it is proved the occurrence of any corruption in the health of the proceedings in that status at the unwinding and re-organize the vote in her position at a maximum of seven days from the date of the decision.
(J) To circulate the questionnaires, forms and models used in the voting process, and processing of documents required for a referendum or official national languages commonly used in southern Sudan, as determined by the Commission.
(K) To take necessary action against any person who commits such acts is one of the corrupt practices and to take appropriate action against any employee or in case of breach of the provisions of this Act or regulations issued there under.
(L) The preparation, design and printing of the ballot paper in the form of a simple and clear.
(M) Forming committees to set forth in this law to assist them in carrying out its functions and terms of reference and powers of those committees and working procedures.
(N) The staff of the referendum and the registration and determine their functions and powers, supervision and in accordance with the provisions of this law.
(O) Approval of the annual budget and balance of the referendum.
(P) Approval of organizational and functional structure of the Office of the Secretariat and the allocation of the Secretary-General and the conditions of service and submit it to the presidency of the Republic for approval.
(P) Address all issues or liabilities or actions relating to registration or voting or counting or counting in the referendum.
(U) Appointment of members of the Office of the referendum of Southern Sudan on the recommendation of the Office of the President of the referendum of Southern Sudan.
(R) the appointment of chairmen and members of the High Commissions recommendation of the Office of the referendum of Southern Sudan.
(Z) to issue regulations that define the modalities for the coordination of the employment relationship with the Office of the referendum of Southern Sudan and the Secretariat.
(Y) The exercise of any other functions as may be necessary for the referendum.
(3) The mandate of the Office any of the powers of its president or vice president or the Office of the referendum for southern Sudan or any of its members or its committees and in accordance with the conditions and regulations as it deems appropriate.
Commission meetings 15 (1) the Commission held regular meetings regularly, and may convene an extraordinary meeting at the invitation of its Chairman or a written request submitted by one third of the members.
(2) The quorum for any meeting attended by more than half of the members.
(3) Decisions of the Commission by a majority vote of the members present in the case of an equality of votes for the chairman of the meeting a casting vote.
(4) The Commission would publish a list of internal organization and procedures of its meetings.
Terms of reference of Commission President and his deputy, 16 (1) The Chairman of the Commission the following functions:
(A) chair the meetings of the Commission.
(B) Representation of UNHCR to others.
(C) Follow the implementation of the resolutions of the Commission.
(D) To recommend to the presidency after the approval of the Commission appointed by the Secretary-General and determine allocations and privileges.
(E) To supervise the work of UNHCR.
(F) To raise the annual budget approved for the presidency.
(G) Perform any other functions entrusted to it by the Commission.
(2) A Vice-Chairperson of the Commission the following functions:
i. Behalf of the Commission President in his absence.
ii. The Office of the Presidency of the referendum of Southern Sudan.
iii. Exercise any other functions delegated by the President or his Office.
Immunity of the head and his deputy and members of the Commission 17. Except in cases of flagrante delicto, it may not take any criminal proceedings against the Commission President or his deputy or any member for any act of the performance of duties assigned to them under the provisions of this Act, except after obtaining written permission from the presidency.
The Office of the referendum for southern Sudan and its terms of reference 18.
(1) The Office of the Office of the referendum in southern Sudan called the Office of the referendum of Southern Sudan to be a Commission Vice-President as its Chairman.
(2) The Office of the referendum of Southern Sudan from the Chairman and four members appointed by the Commission recommendation of the President Office of the referendum of Southern Sudan who are eligible for membership contained in Article 10 (2) of this Act.
(3) Without prejudice to the provisions of Article 15 of this law, the Office of the following functions:
(A) coordination between UNHCR and the High Commissions of the referendum in southern Sudan.
(B) The direct supervision of the work of the High Commissions in South Sudan, and ensure the integrity and transparency of the referendum in respect of registration and polling and counting and counting and the compilation and announcement of results.
(C) Recommend to the Office of the appointment of committees on mandates a referendum in southern Sudan.
(D) Appointment of chairmen and members of the subcommittees and staff of the referendum in the states of Southern Sudan on the recommendation of the heads of High Commissions in the U.S. in accordance with the provisions of this law and regulations.
(E) To ensure the availability and receipt of all logistical requirements and aids, tools, machinery and delivery of high commissions for the Referendum in southern Sudan, to ensure the delivery of sub-committees and centers of registration or voting, as the case may be.
(F) Compile the results of the referendum of the High Commissions of the referendum in southern Sudan and announced and then sent to the Office.
(G) Any other functions assigned to it by the Commission.
Secretariat and its terms of reference 19.
(1) The Office of the General Secretariat headed by Secretary-General appointed by the President with the consent of the First Deputy, on the recommendation of the Commission.
(2) The Secretariat shall be accountable to the Commission in the performance of its executive and administrative, financial, and according to regulations.
(3) The Secretary-General to open and account management on behalf of UNHCR in Sudan\’s Central Bank or the Bank of Southern Sudan, or any other bank approved by the Bank of Sudan or the Bank of Southern Sudan in accordance with the terms of proper accounting in place and is filed all amounts received in the Office as soon as possible in the calculation nor may withdraw any amount of it without prior permission from the competent authority.
(4) The Secretary-General to provide and maintain the books of accounts and balances and management in a systematic manner and in accordance with the standards and the foundations of sound accounting.
(5) Separate regulations, the terms of reference and functions of the Secretary-General.
UNHCR’s budget and accounts 20.
(1) The Commission is an independent budget, according to the principles applicable in the State and submits Commission President after approval by the Office of the Presidency to be included within the annual budget of the State.
(2) UNHCR maintains regular accounts and records of income and expenditure in accordance with the principles of accounting assessments.
(3) Without prejudice to the provisions of paragraph (2) above, the Commission applied the law of financial and accounting procedures and applicable regulations issued there under.
Audit Commission 21. The National Court of Audit or his authorized representative, under the supervision of the audit of UNHCR at the end of each financial year, and after the end of the referendum process to be placed before the National Assembly.
• Chapter IV organization of the referendum and procedures of the first section high commissions and sub-centers of the referendum and the staff of the referendum the composition of the upper and terms of reference and powers of 22.
(1) the recommendation of the UNHCR Office of the Southern Sudan Referendum configure High Commissions in accordance with the provisions of item (2) below and the appointment of chairmen and members of these committees at the level of Southern Sudan.
(2), each consisting of a higher committee in the state of a Chairman and four members that meet the following conditions are that:
(A) be a Sudanese by birth.
(B) Is known for its independence, efficiency and non-partisan, impartiality and integrity.
(C) Under the age of forty years.
(D) Be of sound mind.
(E) Be able to read and write.
(F) Not have been convicted of a crime involving honesty or moral turpitude, even if the enjoyment of the amnesty.
(3) The Commission has the independence and impartiality of the Supreme and transparency in the exercise of all its functions and powers under the provisions of this Act, taking into account the provisions of paragraph (5) below shall not to interfere in its affairs and its work and functions vested in them under the provisions of this law, regulations and orders issued there under.
(4) The President of the Supreme Committee in charge of the referendum in the state.
(5) The Committee shall be responsible to the Office of the Supreme referendum for southern Sudan in the exercise of powers provided for in item (6) below.
(6) Specializes in the Supreme Committee as follows:
(A) formation of sub-committees with the consent of the Office of the provincial referendum for southern Sudan (b) supervision of sub-committees for the referendum within the state concerned and the implementation of any directives issued by the Commission or the Office of the referendum of Southern Sudan in accordance with the provisions of this law and regulations.
(C) To provide guidance and supervision of sub-committees in all the procedures of the referendum within the state concerned.
(D) All disciplines directly related to the referendum and the authorities delegated to the Office or the Office of the referendum for southern Sudan.
(E) The staff of the polling stations on the recommendation of each sub-committee in the province concerned.
(7) The Prime Minister and members of the upper section the following text to the head of the UNHCR and The Prime Minister and members of the Subcommittee of the referendum before the section head of the referendum for southern Sudan:
«I swear by Almighty God that Audi is my duty fairly and in the referendum and the secretariat of a single, transparent and fair without bias or Kidd to one of the helper, God is my witness.

• The formation of committees, subcommittees and polling stations 23.
(1) The High Commission with the consent of the Office of the referendum of Southern Sudan to form sub-committees in each province and specify the functions and powers.
(2) The Supreme Committee on the recommendation of the Sub-Commission on the composition of the committees polling stations to conduct the registration and polling and counting and counting and the result was announced.
(3) Apply the same conditions set forth in Article 22 (2) above to members of the subcommittees and committees polling stations.
(4) The Chairman of the Subcommittee responsible for the referendum on the procedures for the referendum in the province.
(5) The President of the Commission on the Status of the referendum is responsible for actions of the referendum in the center.

Various political parties in South Sudan have each nominated candidates for the position of Governorship across all the ten states. Among these are also independent candidates

State Candidate Party
Central Equatoria Peter Abdul Rahman Sule Ladu UDF
Alfred Ladu Gore Umba Independent
Clement Wani Konga Gwollo SPLM
James Loro Ciricio Laku NCP
Ayine Richard Simon Nigo SSDFEastern Equatoria Abdalla Albert Alfogar NCP
Louis Lobong Lojore Loyanmoe SPLM
Aloisio Emor Ojetuk Ofuho IndependentWestern Equatoria Jemma Nunu Tarira Kumba SPLM
Awad Kisanga Said Ahmed NCP
Abbas Bullen Ajalla Bambey UDSF-M
Bangasi Joseph Mario Bakosoro Independent
Natale Ukele Alex Kimbo IndependentWestern Bahr-el-Ghazal Rizik Zackaria Hassan Dogoogoo SPLM
Isaac Elias Ibrahim Two SSDF
Rozeta Tartizio Ugali Kaffa ANC
Stephen Musa Ngeleto Yas NCP
Ayuel Longar Akol Biar Independent
Paul Akok Severino Madut Independent

Northern Bahr-el-Ghazal Kawac Makuei Mayar Kawac UDSF-M
Paul Malong Awan Anei SPLM
Dau Aturjong Nyuol Dau Independent
Joseph Ajung Mayuol Kuel NCP

Warrap Mayom Kuoc Malek SSDF
Henry Akoon Agai ANC
Nyandeng Malek Deliec SPLM

Lakes Chol Tong Mayay Jang SPLM
Gabriel Kuc Abyei Mayol ANC
Joseph Malwal Dong Riak UDSF
Isaac Awan Maper Ater NCP

Jonglei Kuol Manyang Juuk Chaw SPLM
Joseph Duer Jakok NCP
George Athor Deng Dot Independent

Upper Nile
Younis Awor Akuol Independent
Gatluak Deng Garang Independent
Sarah Nyanath Elijah Independent
Stephen Lur Nyal USAP
Peter Shuramin Sawaj Independent
Bol Andrew Wieu UDF
Gabriel Changson Chang UDSF-M
Dak Duop Bashuok NCP
William Athiang Awor NCP
Simon Kun Puoch SPLM
Peter Adwok Nyaba Independent

Unity Taban Deng Gai SPLM
Bol Lele Mathot NCP
Andria Kuong Rai SSDF
James Mabor Gatkuoth NDP
Angelina Jany Teny Independent
Kuong Nerew Dong Independent
Thamson Thon Teny SPLM-DC


 Summary of the 11–15 April 2010 Sudanese presidential election results
Candidates – Parties Votes %
Omar Hassan al-Bashir – National Congress 6,901,694 68.24%
Yasir Arman – Sudan People’s Liberation Movement 2,193,826 21.69%
Abdullah Deng Nhial – Popular Congress Party 396,139 3.92%
Hatim Al-Sir – Democratic Unionist Party 195,668 1.93%
Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi – Umma Party 96,868 0.96%
Kamil Idriss – independent 77,132 0.76%
Mahmood Ahmed Jeha – independent 71,708 0.71%
Mubarak al-Fadil – Umma Reform and Renewal Party 49,402 0.49%
Munir Sheikh El-din Jallab – New National Democratic Party 40,277 0.40%
Abdel-Aziz Khalid – Sudanese National Alliance 34,592 0.34%
Fatima Abdel-Mahmood – Sudanese Socialist Democratic Union 30,562 0.30%
Mohamed Ibrahim Nugud – Sudanese Communist Party 26,442 0.26%
Total votes 10,114,310 100.00%
Source: Sudan Tribune
e • d Summary of the 11–15 April 2010 South Sudanese presidential election results
Candidates – Parties Votes %
Salva Kiir – Sudan People’s Liberation Movement 2,616,613 92.99%
Lam Akol – Sudan People’s Liberation Movement for Democratic Change 197,217 7.01%
Total votes 2,813,830 100.00%
Adopted from Korok Youths Blog:

Minutes of Historical SPLM Meeting in Rumbek 2004.

Posted: July 11, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in History

SPLM/A Founders

Minutes of Historical SPLM Meeting in Rumbek 2004.

At the end of 2004, while the Sudanese people were closely following Naivasha peace talks with a lot of expectations for freedom and democratic transformation, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) was plagued with rumors and accusations of conspiracy.

To put an end to this acute crisis, an extraordinary meeting was convened to dissipate rumors and misunderstanding related to the removal of the deputy chairman of the SPLM, Salva Kiir Mayadrit and his replacement by the young Nhial Deng Nhial.
The importance of this meeting stems from the fact that it safeguarded the unity of the SPLM at a critical stage and paved the way for signing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) on January 9, 2005.The following is the full text of the minutes of the three-day meeting which took place in Rumbek from November 29 to December 1, 2004; one month before the signing of the CPA.CONFIDENTIAL REPORT ON THE RUMBEK MEETING 2004

On the Joint meeting of the SPLM/A leadership Council, General Military Command Council, Heads of Commissions, SPLM Secretariats, SPLM County Secretaries, Civil Society & Community Leaders.
DAY 1: Opening Prayer: Rev. Clement Janda
Introduction: Cdr. Dr. Riek Machar
Briefing: Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit

Cdr. Dr. Riek Machar Thanked Cdr. Mark Nyipuoch, Cdr. Dr. John Garang and the other participants and announced the beginning of the meeting, which had been ordered by the Chairman. The first part of the meeting comprised of the leadership council, the Secretariats, and the members of the General Staff. The second part was composed of the members of IGAD team, and the Commissioners and Secretaries of the SPLM.
In the opening of the meeting the Chairman Cdr. Dr. John Garang, thanked members of the SPLM/A national leadership Council and welcomed all the participants who traveled to Rumbek. ‘I thank you in the name of the Almighty God. To begin with I wrote two messages:
One on 14/11/004 (No. 001/11/004) to address the following accusations/rumours; • That there was a meeting held in Nairobi under the Chairmanship of myself where Cdr. Salva Kiir would be replaced by the Chairman with Cdr. Nhial Deng.
• That I went to Kampala and met with Cdr. Pieng and ordered him to arrest Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit.
• That Cdr. Malual Majok went to Ramciel to collect forces to go and arrest Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit at Yei.They are all lies and a big propaganda initiative.
The second message was on 23/11/04 calling for this meeting which we are now convening today and where I want to make a general briefing about the signing of peace next month in which each and every one should be informed accordingly.
Cdr. Machar then welcomed Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit to brief the national leadership meeting where he welcomed the Chairman and C-in-C and the national leadership. ‘I confirm the two messages read to you by the Chairman are all true. The rumours came from Nairobi and around the leadership of the SPLM/A. The second message I got was through Cdr. Pagan Amum who was visiting the liberated areas with friends from friendly countries. I requested Cdr. Mabior Kuer to ask the HQs why I am not talking directly to the Chairman. I spoke to the Chairman when he was in Kampala and he told me that I should meet him in Yirol, which I didn’t reply to in the light of the rumours.The rumours implied that I will be arrested at Ramciel where the Chairman was, so I decided not to go. When I received that rumour, I called the security personnel in Yei and discussed the issue in length with them. I also informed them to find out where the sources of the rumours from Nairobi were coming from, which they did.
After I spoke with the Chairman, I also met Cdr. Pieng in Yei for the whole day and he was advising me to join the Chairman in Yirol, which I refused. After that I met Cdr. Kuol Manyang and Cdr. Deng Alor. They came from Nairobi with information that I should go to Nairobi for reconciliation between the two of us. I considered the word reconciliation as something very serious, and therefore decided to tell them that I will not go to Nairobi. The HQs of the Chairman complained that they were calling me and that if I recognized their number, I would switch off the telephone. That is not true; I never received any call from them and switch off my telephone.
I assure you that the allegation that I am against peace is not true. I am really for peace so that the International Community could rescue our suffering people. People of Bahr El Ghazal have suffered too much from repeated famine and from the Arab militias – and for these reasons I am the first to embrace peace to relief them from suffering. Peace efforts such as the Wunlit Peace Conference have up to date ceased hostilities between Western Upper Nile and Bahr El Ghazal; and that is good. So I need peace. There are those who want to create confusion in the Movement and fabricate such things. I don’t have personal problem with the Chairman.
If we are National Leaders, which I don’t believe we are because we have no cohesion within our leadership structure, let us be sincere with ourselves. After meetings are concluded, we run to foreign countries. There is no code of conduct to guide the Movement’s structures. When the Chairman leaves for abroad, no directives are left and no one is left to act on his behalf. I don’t know with whom the Movement is left with; or does he carry it in his own brief case?
The Chairman killed the national Executive Council (NEC) by creating the leadership Council. But there is no provision in the Convention for a ‘Leadership Council’. Does he want to revive the Political Military High Command? The Leadership Council creates a situation where all are directly reporting to the Chairman – including SPLM County Secretaries. When I mentioned these facts, they should not be construed to be my personal or family problems. Those around the Chairman don’t tell him the opinion of the public. The Chairman is everything, from a finance officer to one at the lowest level.Corruption, as a result of the lack of structures, has created a lack of accountability, which has reached a proportion that will be difficult to eradicate.
In fact, there are many outstanding administrative problems that require our attention. These include the infrequent converting of conferences at the leadership level, causing an absence in the SPLA/M chain of command and making others to directly communicate with the Chairman without following the right procedures. This should be corrected. If the responsibility of Governors goes directly to the Chairman, what will be the work of Cdr. Daniel Awet? I hope Cdr. Daniel Awet will address all those things. The Chairman should not make appointments of SPLM County Secretaries; it is the work of the Governors.
The other issue I would like Comrade Chairman to address is how the CANS structures are now operating, e.g., take the absence of the SPLM Regional Secretary for Bahr El Gazal from his area of responsibility while there has been sporadic tribal feuds within the region – and which has resulted into sectional conflict. The Chairman most of the time send Cdr. Deng Alor on foreign missions which were supposed to be the work of Cdr. Nhial Deng.There are several other administrative issues that require correction. We are three Deputies without functions. The Chairman is responsible for all systems including the Army General Headquarters. Our HQs. started in Yei, then Rumbek, then new Cush and now Ramciel. When are we going to establish our HQs? The deputies of the General Staff are the ones commanding the forces; they should stay in the General Headquarters instead of commanding. Yet the Chairman is the one who dismantled the General Headquarters. Comrade Chairman, the establishment of the General headquarters hasn’t been fulfilled and this I have been requesting ever since Yei was liberated. Branch officers such as the Director of Military Intelligence and his deputy are now in your Headquarters, though they are supposed to remain at the General Headquarters. The Chairman concentrates on his headquarters forgetting the rest of the army. It is only his headquarters, which has military uniforms, boots and other supplies.
Our present situation requires us to be organized and prepared. If peace is signed, the question is; what have we done in training our military cadres so that they meet the standard of their counterparts in the integrated army. There are rumours that the Chairman had already selected by name those Commanders who would command the Joint Integrated Army. What about the rest of the army and who will pay them? The Chairman seems to have taken the Movement as his own property. As we leave Rumbek after this meeting, I would like to see that all our administrative issues be addressed and implemented following this meeting’s resolutions.
I would also want Comrade Chairman to give me full powers of the Chief of the General Staff (COGS) to enable me expedite the regrouping and reorganization of the SPLA, and if Comrade Chairman sees that I am not able to do that job, then he can appoint another person to do it.The Chairman is to be 1st Vice-President of the Sudan and the head of the Government of Southern Sudan, but he is not talking to Southerners. The North is organizing southern militias so that we fight among ourselves. We must unite our own ranks and not just unity with the north. On a personal basis, I don’t have any problems with the Chairman but our working relationship is bad and leaves a lot to be desired.
I would also like to say something about rampant corruption in the Movement. At the moment some members of the Movement have formed private companies, bought houses and have huge bank accounts in foreign countries. I wonder what kind of system are we going to establish in South Sudan considering ourselves indulged in this respect.2nd SessionResponse from the Chairman. I give the floor to the national leadership to comment on what had been said by Cdr. Salva Kiir, I don’t want this to be a debate between Cdr. Salva Kiir and I.Edward Lino thanked the Chairman and said we are really in need of resolving the problems within the SPLM/A. The people of Abyei are accused of being Dr. John’s supporters and as such, are victimized for that.

Cdr. Pieng made an intervention that Cdr. Edward was not addressing the issues.
Cdr. Elijah Malok stated he really supported what Cdr. Salva Kiir said, and recommended that a collective leadership be created. Here in Bahr El Ghazal Cdr. Deng Alor has been away for too long and these are known facts; the leadership council should address and resolve these outstanding issues and go back on the right track. Let us form committees to reorganize the army, since all the units are here. I don’t believe what Cdr. Mayardit said about the people being victimized. Structures are to be recognized right way as a government so let us reorganize them and work in the right way as a government.Dr. Justin Yac. I will go with the suggestion of Cdr. Pieng that the Chairman response to the issues raised by Cdr. Salva Kiir.
Cdr./Dr. John Garang I will give my contribution to what has been raised; that firstly we need to dispose of rumours. In the whole of South Sudan, there is a general concern from the citizens, and in Yei, the officers and citizens believe there is a danger facing the Movement. We have to clear the danger and give our people assurances.
Cdr. Salva Kiir and I have been together in the movement for 22 years, and have been close friends, and we will continue that way. 22 years of friendship can’t be thrown away by rumours; Cdr. Salva will be with me now until the end of the interim period and beyond, and I will cite what was said when I visited Malual Kon and the “Luak” of the family of Cdr. Salva where I entered the house to show comradeship and a long cherished friendship. At a meeting while visiting there we were told, “You are the two orphans” left because the original members of the High Command died, both of us will carry on to bring peace.I cited what happened at New Site recently when the Chiefs a ceremony where a bull was sacrificed to show how we are united. At the spiritual performance, one traditional leader said that 4 things will happen: –
1. The bull will urinate.
2. The bull will fall down.
3. The bull will face the North.
4. The bull will die without being slaughtered.
And all the four happened.The allegation that I was going to dismiss Cdr. Salva and arrest him was not only a lie, but it did not even occur in my mind. I was preoccupied with the peace process and not trying to create a crisis. Before UN Security Council Meeting, I received a telephone call from President Bush who said that he now had those who will work with him during the next four years and that I am one of them. President Bush said, “John don’t let us down. We want peace before the end of the year”.
The allegation that I will be replacing Cdr. Salva was a bad lie. If Cdr. Salva was dismissed and replaced with Cdr. Nhial Deng Nhial, it would mean that I would have dismissed all those senior to Cdr. Nhial which includes Cdr. Riek, Cdr. James, Cdr. Daniel Awet, Cdr. Lual Diing, etc. – which would be bad for the Movement. So this allegation is a lie. The crisis only has the support of our enemies who want a crisis in the Movement. This situation was created by our enemies because they do not want to sign the peace agreement.The Chairman pointed out that the GOS has never been happy with the protocols, specially the Machakos protocol, because of the self-determination clause. The GOS and their supporters don’t accept the security arrangement and the Wealth Sharing Agreement, which gives the South of Sudan 51%. The Khartoum Government wants to reject the agreement being signed or at least delay it. By delaying in signing, Khartoum will gain $2.5 billion from the oil revenues, which we must prevent by all means possible. Khartoum was unhappy with the Power Sharing and 3 areas protocols. Neither I nor Cdr. Salva had any interest in delaying the peace agreement. I have nothing to gain by dismissing Cdr. Salva.Finally I have never had any thought of dismissing Cdr. Salva. And it should be considered a lie. This rumour has caused commotion everywhere in Southern Sudan, Khartoum and the Diaspora – so I will assure our people everywhere and send a strong message to Khartoum Government that they will not divide the SPLM/A.
Cdr. Salva and I are innocent of the situation, and four of our leaders will appear in a press conference telling the whole world about our unity and that there is no problem among SPLM/A members. Secondly, I want to assure you of my confidence in Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit. My relationship with Cdr. Salva goes back to 1983 – Cdr. Chagai Atem, Kerubino and many others were close to me. I still have personal relationship with Cdr. Salva and I trust and have confidence in him. This is needed now than ever before. I want Cdr. Salva to be around me during the interim period, and beyond.
The Government of Sudan called upon all the Newspapers to stop making allegations against the Movement. So let us put that issue to rest.
Secondly, Cdr. Salva said that I brought all the officers around me, leaving him alone in vacuum. What I can say is that is not true.
On internal reforms, I agree that reforms are necessary. We are all behind them. We have been making reforms since 1983, e.g., the Zonal Command, Political High Command, NLC, NEC, etc.. these structures can be changed but the objective remains the same. Our imperfect structures have brought us to the present day. Let us not throw away these structures now, otherwise we will throw ourselves away.
The Chairman urged the meeting to introduce changes slowly. He said he is for change but slow change. The Chairman reiterated that all SPLM/A members will be protected; he assured all members that no one will be left out. On the issue of new comers who are said to be taking over the Movement, he said we should accept all southerners new or old because there are more southerners than members of the SPLM/A who must be accommodated; but no newcomer will displace anyone who has been with us for years.
On the appointment of Governors; all Governors will be appointed from their respective areas, e.g. in Lakes the Governor here will come from Lakes. As for States, people of each State will form their governments with no marginalization within States.
As for the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS), there will be representation based on the states, fairness and justice. Similarly at the Central Government, there will be State representation. All Governments, whether GOSS or State Governments will be based on modern standardized structures.The army will be organized based on modern standards. The SPLM will be reorganized democratically. There will be a mult-party system. There will be no need for coup d’etat anymore, so for example my friend Dr. Riek Machar will not need to make a coup because he can form his own party if he is discontented with SPLM.
The issue now is how to achieve a Comprehensive Peace Agreement. After that, the 2nd national Convention will be convened as soon as possible after the peace agreement is signed. The NIF Government is not happy having to sign the agreement on or before 31st December 2004. The Government is not happy with the UN Security Council Resolution1574. The NIF want to create an armed group loyal to them. They also want to create a political group from among southerners to be used by them. We must stop such a move that will create enemies among Southerners to fight among themselves.
South-to-South dialogue must be organized properly, but the leadership has refused outside mediation. I told the European groups about our stand on this. The Power Sharing protocol states that the SPLM will form the Government in the South. The protocol give 15% to non-SPLM/A members and 15% to members of other parties. There will be discussions therefore with Southern parties.On Civil Society, we need to dialogue with them including the Churches. On top of that, lawyers and other concerned members will write a constitution for Southern Sudan. There will be a constitution for states and the rule of law will be established.
Finally, regarding our vision and strategies; we must continue with our programmes because we are succeeding in the process. I reject the view that there are some of us who are unionists and others separatists within the SPLM/A. There are no such differences among our people. We are all for the unity of Southern people, and the Movement will carry out the referendum. As for members of the Khartoum National Government who have mutinied, there is a group calling themselves SPLM/A members. I told them that we want peace and we don’t want you to be SPLM/A now. I told the group to organize their own independent Movement, and not be associated with SPLM/A.
On the structures the only way to resolve it is through the national Convention, which should be convened as soon as possible.3rd SessionCdr. Deng Monydit. Greeted everyone and praised the leaders for coming together. He stated his appreciation of the response given by the leadership; ‘I want to say I am happy to discuss what was about to be stolen from us, and it is not the concern of those in London. This struggle is not the private property of anybody. Whoever says the Movement is his property is wrong, for the movement is for all.
Cdr. Garang Mobil. I thank the leaders. Since 1997 I decided to stay in my house because I did not believe that our problems should be solved by violence. Facts must be stated now in order to solve them once and for all. On the ‘orphans’ there six (6) members who died and only two (2) are left. The question I want to discuss today, is that there is a problem but the Chairman keeps saying there are no problems, only a ‘gap’ between him and Cdr. Salva. He will not accept there are problems in the New Sudan. But if the problem is not solved, there will be no peace. I also want to say that the movement is in the hands of a few and many are alienated. National resources must be shared by all, no matter how small it is. The structures are controlled by a few minority groups, and this must be sorted out now in Rumbek. This minority group is the problem; hand picking people must stop now because it is creating problems.
Cdr. Agassio Akol. There is a problem because many people avoid Cdr. Salva as Deputy Chairman and Chief of the General Staff. The Governors and their deputies bypass Salva and correspond directly with the Chairman of the Movement, which I consider to be outside proper procedure. Cdr. Salva said that in his talks, he raised specific issues which he needed answers on. The Chairman must have failed to answer these issues, otherwise, the talks would have ended. Cdr. Salva said he did not blame anyone but the Chairman. He wanted the Chairman to tell him whether he was wrong or not. For example Cdr. Salva questioned the legitimacy of the leadership Council, as he considered it to be illegal.The National Convention is unlikely to come soon to solve the problems of our structures; the convention has no importance for now. For Cdr. Salva, structures cannot be done by a Convention. So who is going to organize the army?
Cdr. Mark Nyipuoc intervened by saying a press conference should be made.
Cdr. Taban Deng Gai. I want to express my appreciation and happiness for this meeting. It is good to discuss issues of this nature, which appear to divide our movement. I want to congratulate the leaders for agreeing to come to attend the meeting. I want to congratulate Dr. Riek, Ayendit and others for the mediation. If we had such mediation in 1991, there would have been no problems that year, and the coup d’etat would not have taken place. This meeting is on internal issues. Those in Khartoum are happy to see the SPLM/A destroyed by Southern interests. But we are now victorious for we have stopped that disaster. As for our system, there are institutions but not functioning ones. The Leadership Council will not take us anywhere. The era of the Political Military High Command is gone. We must have a modern system of government created by the following committees:
1. Committee for the Army;
2. Committee for the Government;
3. Committee for the Judiciary; and
4. The Parliament.
Justice Ambrose Riny. I greet the Leadership and SPLA officers. In 1994 the Convention created institutions. When I talked about the independence of the Judiciary, many officers reacted against it. It was the intervention of the Chairman who permitted the Committee to complete its work. There have been difficulties and roadblocks by those who did not want a system. There have been difficulties in implementing the resolutions. In 2004, the leadership Council was set up to replace the NLC and NEC. The Leadership Council has no legal base to exist. The Chairman dissolved legally instituted organs of the movement as contained in the national convention of 1994, but unilaterally established illegal institutions which are not supported by any legal provisions of the convention thereof.
I want to say that a lot has been done by a few. Most of the things done are imperfect, but they have served us. I appreciate what has been done on South-South dialogue under the SPLM/A Secretary General. The Chairman was supposed to establish a constitutional committee to draft our constitution. We must come together in a place where all departments are residing; there should be one center for the government of SPLM/A to stop all these rumours.I would like to point out that many members of the movement have lost their ability to sit in an office. I want to point out an incident where a commander told me that what Dr. John or Cdr. Kuol Manyang say ‘up there’ does not work in the South. What kind of a system is this, if it is not respected by its officers? There is no system respected in this movement. I suggest that a committee be formed to organize the army and a conference to inform the world and our supporters that there is no problem from within.
Mama Kezia. I thank both leaders for coming together to discuss all the issues. I was happy with the 1st Vice-Chairman for saying everything in his heart. The rumours outside are bad. Both leaders say it was only a misunderstanding. I appreciate what is happening and I call upon Rev. Clement Janda to bless our conclusion. I agree with the 1st Vice-Chairman that there is something wrong with our system. After the death of the Chairman of my commission, no one has been appointed, and therefore there is no one to report to. For me it took three (3) years to see the leader of the movement. There isn’t a good system. But I think that from now on there will be a system in place.Cdr. Pieng. Greetings. I will be saying something different; that I have not been happy with our meetings that end without resolutions. I am a revolutionary soldier. I have both military and political interest and if anybody things I don’t have both, he is lying. I am not happy with the response of the Chairman; there are problems to be addressed, and these problems must be solved now.The Chairman has not committed mistakes; for me, they are unintended mistakes, for the Chairman could not create problems for himself. I mentioned that during the time of Kerubino there were problems. There were rumours that the Chairman was going to throw away his SPLM/A cadres and replace them with people who have not been in the movement since its inception. There must be committees to reorganize the movement; I agree with Cdr. Elijah Malok’s call for a system and committees. When the Chairman goes away on a visit, he never leaves anyone to act where officers should report to.
Cdr. David. Greetings. I blame the Chief of the General Staff for having failed to do anything until now. But nothing is too late; I suggest that the army be organized now. First create a General Command for the SPLA, for there is no army without a General Staff.Cdr. Oyai Deng. I want to add my voice of being happy to participate in this meeting. When the movement started, you were seven (7) and now you are only two (2) remaining. Some said that you conspired against those who died and now you are conspiring against yourselves. I am shocked to hear Cdr. Salva talk here only about Bahr El Ghazal and not the South in general give he is a leader for all. I strongly agree with Cdr. Salva that when the Chairman goes away, he locks the South in his bag. This is wrong. Cdr. Salva has the right to question anything wrong. There is a problem that must be solved by taking the right decisions.
Cdr. Gier Chuang. I understand what is happening; I didn’t believe that Dr. John will sit near Cdr. Salva again today. I am happy to see this conference. Many people have died due to internal differences and I refer to what had happened in the 1991 crisis. There must be resolutions for all issues, which bring about conflicts; there must be committees established, especially for the SPLA. I also pointed out that during the December 2003 meeting in New Site, there were no representatives from the army. What is a government without an army.Cdr. James Oath. I greet the gathering. When the movement started you were seven (7) and now you are only two (2) – five died having problems with you (Dr. John). Why do you have problems with your colleagues? The leadership has disabled the movement, so why keep it? Why is there a GMC, because it has never met until now? There is no SPLA ready to fight, and for me there is no army to order. If I am ordered to arrest Cdr. Salva, I do not have an army to arrest anyone. Even the Chief of Staff cannot order me to do anything because there is no army. There is no chance to meet the C-in-C – it will take long time to meet him. This is not good, therefore a committee must be formed now to sort everything out.Cdr. Oboto Mamur. Greetings. The Chairman always had problems with his colleagues. Now you are two (2) and you are turning against yourselves. Chairman you have been lying throughout since 1983. A Chairman should trust his deputies because there is a big problem here. I ask the Chairman whether he has mandated us to judge him? And if so, we will pass our judgment on him now. We don’t want to talk for the sake of talking. There must be a committee to follow up on all the resolutions agreed on here. And I add, the convention will not solve our problems.Cdr. George J. Deng. This meeting is a good opportunity to talk today in front of other commanders. The reply by Cdr. John to Cdr. Salva is not convincing at all. My suggestion is that a committee must be formed to organize things right away. There is no longer any army. Therefore a committee has to be formed for the agreement to succeed. I view the SPLA as my home; if the leaders want to go then it is up to them.

Cdr. Malong Awan. Everyone is waiting for the outcome of this dispute. Both leaders therefore should solve their differences. If they don’t solve their differences then they should remain inside this room until the crisis is over. Nor should we blame our enemies for the rumours came from ourselves – we should not blame outsiders. For example Ayen Maguat went to talk to Cdr. Salva. Many from Yei volunteered to go to talk to Cdr. Salva. She complained that Cdr. Wani Igga was in Yei but failed to talk to Cdr. Salva. Instead he went to his village. This was not good leadership and I disagree with Cdr. Wani Igga’s position.
Session 4.Cdr. Santo Ayang. I thank the communities of Bahr El Ghazal, Bor and the committees that went to Yei. Without them things would have got out of hand. The Chairman must tell us the truth about the source of these rumours. All that was circulated was not rumour, and no one was bribed by the enemy. You tell the world that you brought peace to Sudan, but the reality is that peace was brought about by those who fought for it and died. Those around you only please you and do not tell you the truth. I support the formation of committees suggested by Taban Deng Gai.
Cdr. Ayuen Jongror. The conflict is within the leadership. When conflict arises, it must be resolved immediately. The two of you must be in one place and not in Nairobi and Yei. The style of your leadership is causing lots of problems. The GMC Secretariat was supposed to be formed, but since then, nothing has happened. The GMC should meet to discuss the issues of the army and structures of the Movement must be formed before the convention.Cdr. Elias Wai. There is fire so we need it not to burn further. Cdr. Salva is not convinced. All are not convinced with the reaction of the Chairman towards issues raised by Cdr. Salva Kiir. The Chairman is placing his relatives in key positions including Elijah Malok, too old, for example, to hold the position of Governor of the Central Bank. Note, there might be popular uprising one day and the army will join the public.
Cdr. Jadalla. We are here to solve our problems. Committees should be formed to investigate the rumours. You think you are the founder of this movement, and as such, that you can do what you want without consulting people? The public is not ready for more problems.Cdr. Patrick Aitang. We are talking about rumours, but what do we do next? The letter alleged to have been written by Equatorians caused serious tensions. Thanks to Cdr. Salva for salvaging the situation. The ball is now in the court of the Chairman and he should come out with the facts leading up to this dispute. The Chairman should be bold and form the necessary structures.
Cdr. Kitchener. The Chairman and Salva should work together until the end of the liberation struggle. We need leadership to lead us. Cdr. Ayual Makol. To achieve our objective, we must be united. If the two leaders of the Movement only agree to disagree, then it will lead to internal warfare. Form a committee to investigate the rumours
Cdr. Dominic Dim. I agree that the Leadership Council should be abolished and the commissions replaced by the NEC. The Chairman has locked the NEC in his boxes. Dr. John’s response to Cdr. Salva was neither good nor sufficient. For me, there is still a problem as people still remain suspicious of the Chairman’s intentions. I reiterate that if the problem in question is not resolved, there will be a bigger problem in the Movement. I suggest that the Chairman be clear on resolving this conflict. We should remember how General Swar El Dahab was forced to take over during the crisis at that time. Cdr. Salva was asked by many people to take over, but he refused to do so. I support the formation of committees to restructure the movement and provide us with collective leadership.
Cdr. Bior Ajang. I thank the previous speakers. Cdr. Salva has the right to blame the Leadership Council. The rumours are no longer rumours, but facts as said by Cdr. Salva. There is a problem and that problem should be solved now. I support the formation of committees. What transpired in Yei was the product of two rumours; 1) the arrest of Salva Kiir, and 2) the dismissal of Cdr. Salva Kiir. Cdr. Salva Kiir gave us the chance and invited us to meet. I thank the bodyguards of Salva for handling the situation very wisely. Dr. John has no powers to dismiss Cdr. Salva because the national Convention elected both of them. I emphasize that rumours do not only originate from Nairobi. Yei is also a source. I support formation of committees.Cdr. Ismail. We should combat the rumours. It is very unusual for a Deputy Chairman not to have easy access to the Chairman. However, forming committees is another way of avoiding the problem. The explanation of the Chairman hasn’t convinced most of the people nor answered what was raised by Cdr. Salva.
Cdr. Dau Akec Deng. I thank the 1st Vice-Chairman for his stand.
Lt. Col. Mathiang Rok. This meeting has saved the lives of many people in the South. I would like to quote from Francis Mading’s book; “things that are not said divide people”. The Leadership Council has taken the powers of the NLC. People still doubt the Chairman’s comments were satisfactory. There are many ‘huddles’ in the system, e.g. the Leadership Council has taken up the role of the National Convention. Our main concern is how the structures will be made functional. We are here to bring peace and harmony among ourselves. If there is anything, which is not clear, it should be said now!Cdr. Chagai Atem. These rumours started in 1994 and I was the chief negotiator between the two. Now they are caught red handed again.
Father George Kinga. I greet and thank the leaders. The four leaders are great and must be respected. The issues are institutional ones. I also support the formation of committees.
Mr. Pascal Babindi. I am happy to have the chance of addressing this important and historic meeting. The restructuring we decided on at the Gorok NLC meeting pushed us ahead. I am confident that the reforms that shall soon be made will also push us ahead.
Cdr. Achol Marial. A committee should be formed to investigate into where those rumours originated. I appeal to the leadership to mobilize resources prior to the formation of ministries.
Dr. Komanyangi. The formation of committees shall lead to a final solution to all our problems. I suggest that we give ourselves time for these deliberations to continue for one more day so that all issues are exhausted.
Cdr. Simon Kun Pouch. The speakers have not talked on how to combat corruption. The formation of a committee to work out functions for our structures is not really a priority because they already exist, we need only to share power and prepare job descriptions for all the institutions of the movement.
Cdr. James Kok Ruea. A preparatory committee for the Convention should be formed within the shortest time possible. We should work on the structures that will make the Movement function during the interim period as follows: 1) 1st Vice Chairman to chair the GMC, 2) 2nd Vice Chairman to chair the committee for the interim period and 3) 3rd Vice Chairman to chair the committee for National Convention.
Mr. Muhammad Marjan. I believe that the world is looking forward to knowing what our movement will be like once peace is signed and we emerge as a government.
Cdr. Michael Makuei Lueth. There is no need to form a committee to investigate the rumours, which were circulating, unless Cdr. Salva insists that they have never been rumours. I call upon both the Chairman and Cdr. Salva to build confidence between themselves. I assure the Chairman that as we are entering a new era, and if we remain in an unprepared manner, we will eventually be finished. The immediate establishment of our structures is necessary. The distribution of powers is also necessary. The army must be organized. There is also the importance of speeding up South-South dialogue before we enter the forthcoming era. The other issue is corruption. I am saying that the leadership is not committed to fighting corruption. I am against the suggestion that there should be a committee for the army’s reorganization. It is for the COGS, his deputies, and the directors to sit at the GHQs and issue orders according to the plans they set. The national Liberation members should not blame the Chairman alone. In Gorok, the NLC gave the Chairman a blank cheque to restructure the movement, and that was when things started to go wrong.DAY 2Session 1Opening remarks by the Master of ceremony after prayers noted that the present meeting has come out in the internet; and a warning was given to those who might have done so.

Mr. Kosti Manibe. I want to add my voice to those who have already spoken. I express my appreciation to those concerned for having resorted to peace negotiations and to end the conflict through dialogue. I am happy that the 1991 disaster has been avoided. I acknowledge the existence of gaps in the system and I call upon the leaders to address the communication needs. I stress the need for media to send accurate messages to our people, enemies, etc.. The Movement should have a capacity for communication to deal with the media when required. I point out that a lot has been achieved – 90% of the objectives have been achieved. There are structures, but a lot of work requires to be done.
The JAM’s programme on capacity building should be followed. Functions will be set out. On policy issues, I suggest that a lot remains to be done to build confidence in our system and institutions. I suggest that there is a need to form a small committee to look into the minutes of this meeting and to identify the crucial issues that needs resolutions as soon as possible. Such information should be disseminated.
Cdr. John Luke. I am happy that the rumours have been resolved. The rumours of the dismissal of Cdr. Salva has been on air for a long time. There were other rumours that Cdr. James Wani was going to be replaced by Cdr. Pagan. Some responsible people in the Leadership Council have been quoted as saying that Cdr. Salva, with support from Bona Malual, will make a coup. There has been a problem among members of Leadership Council who have been complaining a lot. There is no system, especially in the office of the Chairman, which is treated as a private entity. The office of a leader must be well organized and staffed properly to do its work.
On the responsibility of leadership, Cdr. Dr. John should not be blamed alone because there are others. The dissolution of the Leadership Council will not mean that a normal system will be established. No proper changes will take place, even if the Leadership Council is dissolved. If Dr. Garang dissolves the Leadership Council, he will appoint the same people in the L.C. There is no need to make changes now until peace is signed. The formation process f or the government needs wide consultation; people should wait for a month until peace is signed.The Chairman is being accused for not implementing decisions. In the army, if you need structures, I see Cdr. Salva as a political figure; so a pure army officer should be appointed as Chief of Staff and Cdr. Salva should be given a Commission. This way, the army should be run by an army officer who is not a politician.
Why is the leadership avoiding South-South dialogue? The Chairman refused to accept dialogue, but claims it after others implemented it. It was Cdr. Salva who supported the Wunlit Peace Conference – but the Chairman was against it. At the recent conference in Nairobi organized by the Kenyan Minister for Planning, the SPLM/A failed to attend because the Chairman had refused to let the SPLM attend. Cdr. James Wani is weak and the Chairman uses him to kill things related to South-South dialogue. The NLC is dead and I suggest that an emergency convention be organized immediately.
Cdr. Marc Nyipouch. Cdr. Marc stated that the rumour that madam Nyandeng was arrested with 3.5 is libel and defamation. He continued to cite the case of General Lagu during the Regional Government. On the issue of Governor Deng Alor, Cdr. Marc said that Cdr. Deng collects money from abroad, banks it with the Chairman’s or his (Deng’s) bank account, and that is why Deng Alor was taken away from the region – just to do that. Something Nhial has failed to do but what Deng is able to do. Deng should either be a Governor of Bahr el Ghazal or be replaced.Mr. Arthur Akuien. I am being called the Finance Secretary but without any finance. I want to point out that the rumours have been destructive and that the leadership style encourages such rumours. I want to say that the Chairman does not delegate powers to his deputies. The Chairman is responsible for creating this crisis in the movement.
On the structures, there are structures. But the Chairman after appointing someone to a position does not work with him, but he will appoint someone else to do the work, which is wrong. The Chairman creates all these problems within the system, and this is why he is being blamed. I also point out when a senior person tries to discipline a junior, the Chairman always fails to solve the problem among the staff and instead interferes. The leadership style of the Chairman’s work is bad and cannot be corrected. The Chairman has not been doing well in his job and he may be forced to leave his office before six years.Dr. Justin Yac. The Chairman is good for external contacts but within his own institutions he is not good. The Chairman is good in talking but poor in doing things. The Cdrs. Condemned him the day before and I quote Cdr. Salva who said that “Dr. John does not forget and does not forgive”, and who ever quarreled him ended up dead.
Many people know the Chairman’s abilities and weaknesses for the last twenty-two years. The Chairman can impress people when he talks, but lacks action. The commanders the day before gave the Chairman grade F because he failed to adequately answer the issues raised by Cdr. Salva. The Chairman should not think that he is always right; rather he must admit his mistakes. The Chairman must work with a team and not be a leader of the NLC and Chairman of SPLM. Leadership must be collective.
The officers the other day faced the Chairman with hard facts, but we have not been telling the Chairman the truth. We are also to blame. The Chairman should respond to issues of structures to avoid the recurrence of this problem. The Chairman can listen and write on issues, but he always discards them. The Chairman has been everything ever since the movement started. I call upon the Chairman to work with people and not alone. The Chairman should know that he has been wrong because some of the members have not been telling him the truth. Some leaders should be blamed for not doing their part, for many have not been doing things properly. I repeat what Cdr. Salva said that Dr. John does not forget and forgive. So I want to say that those without guns are vulnerable. The Cdrs. Are secure because they have guns to protect themselves from the Chairman, but I ask, who is going to protect those of us without guns?
I call upon Dr. John to listen to all the demands and that he (the Chairman) should make changes and suitable structures. I also suggest that the Rumbek meeting should come up with resolutions that we support the finalization of the peace agreement now, all should be committed to the peace process.
On the issue of dissolution of the leadership council, there is no difference so no changes are necessary. I urge the Chairman to work closely with his aids. We have sat here because we are part and parcel of the executive and leadership as well. Mr. Chairman, I urge you to treat us equally and remove doubts that there are people you prefer.Cdr. Elijah Malok. I propose the formation of three (3) committees, and that they remain here in Rumbek to start their work as we may have problems with resources and the committees should finish before December 31st.
Cdr. John Koang Nyuon. I thank the Chairman and his 1st Deputy to have responded positively to our wish to sit, as we are doing now to discuss and resolve issues that create misunderstandings. Rumours always create problems. The availability of Thuraya telephones in abundance is really a problem as some of their users can verbally reveal our secrets for the sake of money or any other reason. The reaction by some officers is appreciated, as they only want the resolution of our outstanding problems.
I suggest the formation of regional committees to organize our army within the coming month since you mentioned that peace is likely to be signed by the end of December. I see this as the immediate priority other than the rest we are now discussing – as other structures already exist. To organize the army is not so difficult.
A clarification was made by 1st Vice Chairman Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit: “What brought us here to meet is the question of the rumours, which have been circulating. As the Chairman read in his messages, we haven’t reached a conclusion, as we have not known from where they emanate. When I went to greet the Chairman it was immediately announced that Cdr. Salva has met with Dr. John and their differences are resolved. The question is how does this news go out? I believe that they are not from my part. The rumours came from Nairobi not from Yei”.Cdr. Abdelaziz Adam Alhilu. The structures formed during the 1st national convention exist, the only thing is that they are not effective due to meager resources. The lack of adequate resources is the main problem that affects their functioning. Instability is also a factor. A system normally operates when the enemy is inactive.
The establishment of structures at present when peace is not yet signed will also put us in difficulties, so it is important to wait for a conducive atmosphere. I agree with the suggestion for the 2nd national convention to take place as soon as possible. I don’t agree with those who say committees should be formed to organize the army. I see it fit that local committees shoulder such responsibilities provided that resources are made available.Cdr. Daniel Awet Akot. This is a good opportunity for one to air out what had been said before, As Dr. John and Cdr. Salva put it, that they don’t have personal or political problems – then that is appreciated.
Cdr. Ayuen Alier. If the style of leadership is changed, things will automatically change for the better. The whole issue is our general problem not only the Chairman and his deputies. Our top leaders restricted travel to Nairobi with their officers, but that cannot work. Every-body gets there on his own. There is a necessity that capacity building starts now. Cdr. Ayuen made the additional observation, that the lack of self- confidence is always the cause of our problems, and as for rumours, which have been confusing, I assure you that those who have self-confidence cannot be affected by rumours.The suggestion by Cdr. Elijah Malok that committees be formed and start their work here in Rumbek is supported by me. The delegation for the peace talks should be the only ones to go: let us support peace because it is the requirement for now. Mr. Chairman I end by thanking both of you for having cooled your nerves. Come together to discuss so that we can resolve whatever problems are facing us.
Cdr. Kuol Manyang. I think this meeting is historical and as we enter a new era, we are going to be more united after this meeting. You differ with someone and you reconcile. Differences are natural. A person can easily make a problem between him and another. We have to unite and this is how you can overcome rumours, which confuses the people. Like the recent situation, I was informed through unofficial channels that Cdr. Salva had been removed. I called Cdr. Deng Alor and we were joined by Cdr. Awet and we went to Cdr. Salva and told him that what is being alleged is a lie, and that there was no meeting held concerning this. We then moved to Nairobi where we communicated this issue to Dr. John Garang and that was when this meeting was planned and Cdr. James Kok and Cdr. Nhial were asked to organize transportation to this end.
So I thank both Cdr./Dr. John Garang and Cdr. Salva Kiir for having attended this meeting and permitting us to discuss and come up with decisions that promotes unity and harmony. Differences between Cdr. Salva and Dr. John existed from a long time ago, as Cdr. Chagai mentioned, but there was no decisive steps taken to resolve them until today.As for structures, they are there. The only problem is how to maintain and have them effectively function due to a lack of resources. Our structures have to be operationalized. But the matter is not a question of dissolving other bodies such as the Leadership Council, NLC and so on. I don’t have any objection with the formation of committees, but I only say that reorganization of the army must be the responsibility of COGS and his Deputies. I urge both of you, the Chairman and Cdr. Salva to open a new page in order for us to go forward.
Cdr. Nhial. People should be judged by what they have contributed to the Movement. We should sincerely address our issues. I am absolutely prepared for the proposal to dissolve the Leadership Council and we all see what scenario we can take.
To have structures and institutions you need to have three things; 1) the structure itself, 2) resources, and 3) the people, because its people who run the structures. The resources and the personnel go together. Without having prepared for this, it is now one of the serious problems we face as we enter the forthcoming era.
Cdr. Malik Agar. The current issue of the differences between the Chairman and his deputy is surprising in that I was aware of this even ten years ago. Whenever it is about to be addressed, each of them says there is ‘no problem’. The big problem is trust among yourselves. This needs to be rebuilt and you will be the ones to arrive at sound solutions to the existing problems.Comrade Chairman, as we enter the new era, we shall be competing with other parties. Let us start with the effective establishment of our structures and draw up our programmes. We need a system. I have worked as a Governor for ten (10) years; yet, I could have committed many mistakes during that time. Has the Chairman any day called me to tell me that I have made a mistake? There is no system here.
The issue of reorganizing the army is a burning issue as most of the soldiers are now in an unorganized form and this will work against us. As monitors will verify, we don’t have the army. The distribution of powers is the vital issue to avoid future misunderstandings.
Cdr. Pagan Amum Okech. Comrade Chairman, I will focus on the crucial issue, but before that, I want to tell you this. We are here to discuss the rumours that have been circulating and which almost created a very serious development within the movement’s liberated areas, in Khartoum and among the Diaspora. My advice is to the Southerners who have fought for the last twenty two (22) years. I am first going to concentrate on the recent rumours. Cdr. Gier happened to ring me asking me whether I came across information from Yei that the leadership have met and decided to remove him from the second position. I advised Cdr. Gier not to believe that because it is a rumour, and if it spreads, it will create confusion. He then heeded my advice. Again Cdr. Deng Alor phoned to me on the same issue, but I also told him that these are rumours and Cdr. Salva should not believe such rumours. There had been meetings in Khartoum and there was a public statement made by Uncle Bona Malual and retired General Joseph Lagu. If the enemy succeeds in dividing us, it may lead to our failure and peace may not be achieved.This time is very critical Cdr. Salva and Cdr. Chairman; if we say we will remain here to deal with the rumours only, I think we will be here up to the coming year. I advise both of you to put aside these rumours. Even though we did not defeat the enemy, what we had achieved will make the enemy coincide with what we tell them. At this crucial moment we must think thoroughly of what we should do to enable us go forward. This is my appeal to both of you Cdr. Salva and Cdr. Chairman. There is another rumour now that I want to take the place of Cdr. James Wani Igga. I assure you Cdr. Wani that there is nothing like this at all.The establishment and building of structures at this particular time is vital. Our priority is now to finalize the peace talks. The Chairman and his deputies must go to Nairobi so that we are not considered intransigent because the process can easily be derailed. Concerning the reorganization of the COGS and his deputies, we can do that unless the problem of resources hinders us.
Cdr. James Wani Igga. I congratulate the Chairman for calling this important meeting. I also congratulate Cdr. Salva for having attended this meeting. This paves a way for a solution to our problems. I thank both of you for your patriotic stand since the beginning of the struggle – both of you have collectively worked to protect this movement from upheavals. I consider you as the central pillars of this Movement. Let me come to the main topics, which are the SPLM/A’s major problems. Solving a problem is like bringing pus out from somebody’s gull. Problem No. 1, we are not working as a team, which results in disgruntlement.No. 2, we have the structures formed in the 1994 Convention which were only the NEC & NLC, but by 1998, people became fed up of those structures. I appeal that we keep these structures but make necessary changes. I would like to underline something connected with structure. In 1998 we came out with a constitution named the SPLM constitution. This was not passed by the NLC because they were expecting a state constitution. But we had agreed to use that constitution, and there are structures there. In one of the L.C. meetings we had revised the constitution and even the manifesto. Up to now, we had passed four (4) documents. The SPLM constitution. The SPLM manifesto. The 3rd document is the SPLM policy on dialogue and it concerns how we go about South-South dialogue. Our main constraint in starting South-South dialogue is the lack of money. Documents No. 4, is the SPLM policy on the transformation of Sudan. All these documents are there ready. Comrade Chairman, our constraint in the political Affairs Commission is lack of facilities, but we have really tried our best. As for the army reorganization, if we become surprised by the signing of the peace deal, I think it will be difficult to regroup our army simply because we don’t have resources. Once peace is signed, there is going to be the establishment of standard national structures. Structures are our No. 2 problems, including the official management of office institutions.
Cdr. Wani listed other problems:
No. 3: The existence of a Kitchen Cabinet is deplorable and creates doubts and mistrust.
No. 4: The geographical imbalances found in the movement. If this is not addressed, we will never be in harmony.
No. 5: Poor chain of command.
No. 6: Spread of rumours.
Let’s come to the question of rumours. When rumours were developing I was in Nairobi and I went to Kampala. When I reached Kaya, I was being asked what had happened. I was then told that you are coming from Nairobi and that you met and decided to replace Cdr. Salva with Cdr. Nhial. I told that that this is just rumours and I believe that Cdr. Salva will not believe this. He will immediately throw it out the window.
Problem 7: Lack of implementation of resolutions and the lack of a follow up body. Our resolutions always die on the paper.
Problem 8: Corruption which remains rampant in the Movement. Corruption must be fought for example, some years back the Chairman in a meeting informed us that Cdr. Deng Alor brought some money from Nigeria, but how that money was spent had never been explained to us again. I ask the question where is the transparency and accountability we talked about?
Problem 9: Lack of cooperation, accompanied by sabotage. Some work for the downfall of others without any accountability.
Problem 10: Neglect of the army and its welfare.
Problem 11: Absence of job description, which cause confusion.
Problem 12: Nepotism. It should be fought.
There are two examples to illustrate the issue of nepotism. One is the removal of Aleu Anyeny from his position and his replacement by the Chairman with an officer from his home village. Another is the appointment of Dr. Lual Deng as an advisor to the Chairman. We all heard this in a meeting in which the Chairman announced Lual’s appointment without any official procedures followed. When I talk about regional imbalances, all I need to say is that no Equatorian was even allowed to be a signatory of the six protocols. We are making history and this history should involve all the people of New Sudan. The protocols are only signed by individuals from Bahr el Ghazal, Upper Nile, Nuba Mountains and Funj!
Problem 13: Neglect in the chain of command, which has led to indiscipline.
Cdr. Wani proposed a way forward. I suggest that an investigation committee be appointed by the Chairman to find out the origination of these rumours. Let’s avoid ‘Kitchen Cabinets’ and combat corruption. We need a mechanism to be adopted to fight corruption. Let’s respect the chain of command. Let’s avoid any regional misbalancing. Job descriptions must be effected. South-South dialogue advanced. The convening of the second National convention requires additional money. The reaction of the Chairman to all the listed problems is necessary. As a sign of true reconciliation, they need to warmly greet themselves in front of us here, then follow that up with a joint statement. A traditional ceremony should be carried out by some of the elders here. We take what had happened like a normal wave when in a canoe. Let us reconcile so that we defeat our common enemy.
Cdr. Riek Machar. I was struggling whether to speak or not because of the nature of the issues being raised. When we met as a Leadership Council, there were divergent views. Before that I met Aleu Anyieny and he told me that if you are going to talk to Cdr. Salva, don’t talk about the problems being personal. These problems are administrative. Serious rumours have also been circulating in London when I was there. They talked about a ‘change of the guards’ and the removal and replacement of Cdr. Salva by Cdr. Nhial. I appealed to the participants in that meeting that we should unite since we are entering peace, because if there is a split, the enemy may dishonour the agreement we had already signed. In any case, suppose we sign the peace, the SPLA will be a national army whereas the SPLM will be competing with other political parties. The SPLA must retain an independent national character.
Concerning the structures, I have participated in a workshop on the formation of structures at all levels including the transformation of the SPLM into a political party. These are all being worked out. We are only behind in our military preparations. This doesn’t need a committee to do that. The COGS, his deputies, directors, and local commanders can do that. The army is the most important element to protect the gains of the struggle and as such we need to organize it and take care of them and their families. We all have to participate in calling them to report to their units or camps where they should regroup and organize. Our chiefs are important institutions that can effectively participate in this endeavor.
Another problem we will face is the returnees, which are estimated to be up to 4 million residing in exile for almost fifteen years. They have acquired different attitudes, culture and perspectives. Not only are they in the north, but we have a good number of our people living in various western countries. We will be confronted by all these groups with a series of problems of cultural differences and we must be prepared to integrate these two groups into our civil life and norms.
I believe that unless something happens in Khartoum, the war is over. Unless the enemy causes us to split, the war is over. This requires us to expedite the reorganization of the army. I do not agree with Mathiang Rok about his suggestion that committees be formed to discuss the six (6) signed protocols. In addition, we should be privileged that the UN SG visited Africa to discuss the issue of peace in Sudan – The first time it happened was during the decolonization of Africa – making the achievement of peace highly likely this year.As for South-South dialogue, we can start now. We should be prepared to negotiate with whatever party is ready to dialogue. If we wait until the government is formed, they will be the ones to undermine the GOSS. We must achieve consensus. Let us not delay south-south dialogue. The lack of dialogue can be a source of disunity, but if we handle it properly, it can also be a source of unity and this will allow the people to rally behind the leadership. There is a need to call the NLC as soon as possible to deliberate on the agreement. What I mean is the current NLC. The next convention, which needs to be convened as soon as possible, will elect a new NLC and who will be charged with the responsibility of working on a national constitutional government of south Sudan, etc.. From now, we have agreed that the judiciary be independent.Session 5Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit. Greetings to the Chairman and Madame de Mabior and others in this meeting. We apologize for not allowing you to attend the first meeting, which lasted for two days. The second meeting is composed of SPLM Counties Secretaries, civil society, women groups, the youth, etc.. The decision was deliberate and we did not want the meeting to be talking shop.

I have no more to say. The issue which brought us here have been raised and you all have given your concerns. Let us take the line of peace to be the priority. In the absence of peace we must be prepared for war. There had been many Security Council resolutions of the same nature passed like this of Sudan, but have not been implemented, such as the PLO, Western Sahara, etc..

I thank those who have exerted efforts to travel from their various locations to Yei where they met me on the situation. As I told you, there were no personal problems, they are administrative given my profession, and I know that rumours are dangerous. Rumours must be treated as rumours, but there is no smoke without fire. I don’t agree with Cdr. Wani that these rumours were created by the enemy. There are people among us who are more dangerous than the enemy. I must warn the Chairman that Nimeiri was made to be unpopular by his security organs.

Those who are misleading you and giving you false security information about others will suffer with you together or leave with you. The government, which is going to be led by you must include all. Without unity, the agreement will be a source of our disunity. We are not organized in all aspects, and as such will be exploited by other political parties that are more organized. The lack in our structures and political guidance will lead us to a very serious political defeat.
Mr. Chairman, you have talked about people eating the boat while we are in the middle of the river. Let me add this; the issue is not eating the boat in the middle of the river. The issue is that there are a few who have already crossed to the other side of the river and when the remaining ones asked them to bring the boat, they refused to return the boat. This is the problem.


Chairman’s Speech to Rumbek Combined Consultative Meeting

(November 28 – 30, 2004)

  1. 1.     Opening greetings and Minute of Silence


  1. 2.     Main Rumours to Dispel: (suddenness and intensity of the rumours)
  • Rumours started with story of Chairman’s wife arrested by UK Police …
  • That Chairman said it is Cdr. Salva Kiir that wrote the letter by Equatorians.
  • That Cdr. Salva Kiir is being dismissed and replaced by Cdr. Nhial Deng.
  • That Cdr. Salva Kiir is being arrested, by so and so and forces being moved …
  • The story that Cdr. Salva is marginalized and his work given to others. This feeling might have developed when Cdr. Salva no longer went for the peace talks and therefore I increasingly worked with Cdr. Nhial and Cdr. Pagan. But we all know how I took over the IGAD talks, as this was during the Officers Conference here in Rumbek. I was reluctant to go to Naivasha as you will recall and people pleaded with me including the Officers Conference.  After that both of us could not be in the talks, and indeed since then Comrade Salva has been doing most of the work in the field as you can see from the very few messages I write.
  • There are many other rumours, but these three are the serious ones around which other issues and rumours are built.
  • Affirm that all these are false [expound convincingly at length].

ü  We have 22 years of togetherness with Cdr. Salva in the SPLM/A, he has been my right hand man even when others were senior to him and up to now and he will continue to be my right hand man into peace and during the interim period … 22 years of togetherness and comradeship cannot be blown away by rumours.

ü  Akon story of June 2003 that out of 7 founding members, we are the only two remaining orphans of former PMHC and that we shall take people across the river.

ü   New Site ritual sacrifices by spiritual leaders last July cannot just be forgotten.

ü  My main preoccupation is to conclude and sign peace by 31/12/2004 as demanded by the UNSC, and there is only one month left, why would I create problems by arresting Cdr. Salva and replacing him with Cdr. Nhial?

ü  It is practically and politically not possible to leapfrog Cdr. Nhial to No.2 as alleged by the rumour mongers, for what are the practical and political implications?

ü  As predicted in our 1983 Manifesto it is the NIF regime [Islamic Fundamentalism] that wants to divide us, block the peace agreement and hijack the Movement, and this must not be allowed.  The fact that both of us, Cdr. Salva Kiir and I are here shows the maturity of our Movement and of our people … As the saying goes the NIF hyena has barked and so it will not eat us again.

ü  I want to end this part by assuring you that Cdr. Salva and I are a Leadership package decreed by 1994 NC, and only a NC can dismiss either of us, and so that I intend to dismiss Cdr. Salva cannot be possibly true, I want you to dismiss this malicious lie.  Cdr. Salva and I are two sides of one coin and so that coin can never be divided; the SPLM/A will never be divided; we are not shakable and the Movement and the coming peace are in safe hands; we will take the people across.

  1. 3.     NIF and Outsiders Meddling in the Affairs of the SPLM/A


  • How did these rumours start and who is behind them, the rumours must definitely have been created by someone or some people, and for what purpose? 
  • In my view there were two situations: (a) Situation (A) is that of Cdr. Salva, our 1st Vice Chairman and COGS that we know and that I have known for the last 21 years, and (b) Situation (B) is that created by rumours.  These rumours were not created by Cdr. Salva Kiir, they were created by the NIF regime either directly in some cases or through some of our people who need money, and the purpose is clear; it is to block the peace so that it is not signed by 31/12/2004 as demanded by UNSC Res. 1574.  Situation (A) of Cdr. Salva and situation (B) of the NIF are incompatible and were pulling in different and opposite directions. This is why the situation in Yei did not explode.  At end the Cdr. Salva’s situation took the upper hand and won. And in this context I want to commend Cdr. Salva Kiir for controlling the situation; I commend the officers in Yei; the community leaders that were in Yei or came to Yei; others who went to Yei including members of the SPLM-LC, and finally the role played by Cdr. Pieng and Cdr. Malong in their shuttles.
  • Why does the NIF regime want to block peace?  Because they don’t like the six protocols we have signed; they don’t want the 31/12/2004 deadline and they are looking for excuses not to meet this deadline [Narrate the background as to how the UNSC came to Nairobi, the telephone call of President Bush, etc.].
  • The SPLM/A is the struggle and property of the people of New Sudan (South and three areas and rest of Sudan), and they have paid tremendous sacrifices over the last 22 years and in previous struggles.
  • We must honour the struggle and sacrifices of our people by taking the struggle to its logical and final conclusion to achieve the cardinal objectives of the SPLM/A, i.e., New Sudan and the right of self-determination.   These can only be achieved through conclusion and signing of the peace agreement by 31/12/2004 as demanded by the UNSC, and we must not allow the NIF or any situation to delay or disrupt this process.  Across Southern Sudan and New Sudan and the rest of Sudan people want peace; that is the general cry.  If the NIF regime does not hear this and we in the SPLM will deliver this peace.
  1. 4.     Loss of trust and confidence between Chairman and his 1st Vice Chairman
  • The main talk here is that the Chairman does not share issues with Cdr. Salva, does not consult him often, is not as intimate as before, there are others around the Chairman that pull him away from Cdr. Salva, etc …
  • Assurances that this is not true and that the Chairman has every confidence in Cdr. Salva [Relate incidences, e.g., at Malual Gahoth, when Tiger’s plane crushed, at his village and Akon, sending him to South Africa and what I told him; I do send Comrade Salva on diplomatic mission – Egypt, Libya and Algeria and several times to Ethiopia in recent times, etc.
  • Trust and confidence are intangibles that are built over time.  From my side I have not lost that trust and confidence that I have had in Cdr. Salva since 1983, but if there is doubt as there obviously is given the recent developments in Yei then I want to tell you categorically here that I will work hard to repair that perceived damage.
  • Trust and confidence are even more important now then at any other time before, because unlike in the past we shall not be alone in the post conflict era; there will be other political forces in both South and North and we will compete with some of these parties.  It is our cohesiveness and solidity as a political organization that will enable us to deliver both the New Sudan and the exercise of the right of self-determination and development in general.  This requires the social capital called trust and confidence within the leadership of the SPLM, among the cadres and among the rank-and-file.
  1. 5.     Regarding Problems within the Movement and Internal Reforms.
  • Internal reforms necessary and I have talked about this on many occasions.
  • Internal reforms should not be related to or confused with problems created by the current rumours, since these rumours are baseless
  • I am aware there is general concern among the officer corps and rank-and-file that now that peace is coming the SPLM Leadership, and specifically Dr. John, will abandon the cadres of the Movement and embrace outsiders or new comers instead [Dispel this and give convincing explanations why this is impossible to be entertained by the Leadership or by Dr. John in particular]. Include programs of education and development in the next period and how our cadres fit in.
  • The coming peace agreement will impose new structures and there shall be full decentralization to the States and Counties. This coupled with fairness of distribution of jobs at the level of GOSS and GONU will bring justice to all our people of New Sudan. In general peace will bring us responsibilities in the following: (a) SPLM, (b) SPLA, (c) GOSS, (d) NUBA MTS GOVT, (e) SBN GOVT, (f) ABYEI AEC, (g) GONU, (h) STATE GOVTS IN REST OF NORTH, (i) SPLA National Reserve, and (j) above all a robust, strong and rapidly growing economy to provide jobs & services to our people who have suffered so much.
  • Finally, we must hold our 2nd National Convention as soon as time will allow; we already have the resources to do it, and I here directing the full Convention Organizing Committee to sit immediately and plan and expedite preparations to ensure that the 2nd National Convention is held before the end of March 2005.
  1. 6.     Regarding the Peace Process and Prospects
  • Background to the UNSC Nairobi meeting and SC Resolution (sent to all units) and SPLM-GOS MOU.
  • Negotiations by the Technical Committees started on 26/11/2004, and Ali Osman Taha and I will arrive in Nairobi on 5/12/2004 to finish the process.

ü  Outstanding Issues in Ceasefire and Implementation Modalities Annexes – The Committee of Cdr. Nhial will brief you in detail, but in summary …

ü  Guidance from this consultative conference and from the Leadership Council regarding outstanding issues to complete and sign by 31/12/2004.

  • NIF displeasure and ways of resisting ending the war by 31/12/2004 as demanded by UNSC Resolution 1574, or if they are forced to sign the CPA then they will use the same ways to frustrate implementation. This is not a secret, as the Internet and Khartoum newspapers are full of GOS disquiet and plans of how to destroy the Agreement.  NIF will use the following, and they are actually very advanced in using them: –

ü  GOS-Militias (OAGs) and this is why negotiations are difficult, as the NIF does not want to let go of these militias.  The aim and hope is to create an alternative armed Movement loyal to the NIF in the South.

ü  Use of their Coordinating Council reinforced by disgruntled Southern politicians.  The aim and hope is to create an alternative political force in the South that subservient to the NIF.

ü  The NIF has actually already announced that they will implement the Wealth Sharing Protocol as from 1/1/2005 whether there is an agreement signed with the SPLM/A, or not; they have even said that they will implement it without the SPLM/A.

ü  The NIF aims and hopes to combine the two subservient groups (the OAGs and the political militias) to block signing of the CPA or to frustrate implementation, and to turn the six Protocols into their so-called “Peace from within” and to use the developed situation to fight and eliminate the SPLM/A.  This is the meaning of what Beshir announced. The NIF aims and hopes that Southerners will fight over the 50% of oil revenues in the Wealth Sharing Protocol instead of fighting the NIF regime.

ü  It is generally accepted by Southerners, New Sudanists and Sudanese in general as well as by the Region and international community that no political force other than the SPLM/A can successfully maneuver out of the situation and implement the six Protocols.  The SPLM/A has the vision, the record of struggle and sacrifice (social capital) and the commitment.

ü  We will not shy away from multi-party politics and we will challenge the NCP politically and democratically in the North if they continue to make mistakes by sponsoring south-south conflict.

ü  We shall also compete with and defeat all the fake political parties in the South, and let me assure you that we welcome democracy, political pluralism and elections both in the South and North.

  1. Finally Regarding the Vision, Objectives and Strategies of the SPLM/A
  • We must continue with the objective of New Sudan and the exercise of the right of self-determination.  This vision and strategy is what has reached us this far, and it is what will see us through to final victory.
  • The objective of New Sudan and the right of self-determination are not contradictory; as a matter of fact one cannot achieve the exercise of the right of self-determination except through the method of New Sudan.
  • Those who criticize the New Sudan as being in conflict with the right of self-determination and Southern Sudanese independence fail to tell people their method for achieving the right of self-determination of Southern Sudanese independence.  They end up being either AOGs or political militias to be used or manipulated by the NIF.  Our method has worked and is working and that is why the NIF regime is always angry with us and not with the self-appointed saviours of Southern Sudan, since such convoluted salvation is through the enemy.

Rumbek (Day 2)

Day 2 in Rumbek

  1. A.    Concerning Rumours as the Main Problem


  1. Somebody yesterday quoted Dr. Francis Deng that “what is left unsaid is what divides”.  Let us be sincere about this issue.  The main problem confronting us was not that of structures of the Movement.  Ayendit and her delegation did not travel to Yei because of structures; they went to Yei because of rumours surrounding the dismissal and arrest of Cdr. Salva Kiir and a possible split in the Movement as a result of this.  It is the same with the three communities in Yei and all those who traveled to Yei (Kuol Manyang and Deng Alor, Riek Machar’s group and others concerned).  They went to Yei because of the situation created by rumours.  People in the liberated areas including our soldiers are concerned and are waiting for good news as to whether there is a split in the Movement or not.  This is the same for our people in the Diaspora as well as our adversary.
  1. This is the issue I was addressing yesterday in my statement and that is probably why some of you, especially the GMC members, felt that my response was not sufficient.  I did not address the issue of structures sufficiently because, although it is a problem, it is not what caused the situation in Yei. The connection between the commotion that occurred in Yei would be logical only if the rumours were created so that the issue of structures in the Movement are addressed.  Of course you all know here that this is not the case. I think Cdr. Santo Ayang and others pointed this out yesterday in their own way.
  1. The first problem that we need to dispose of therefore is that of the commotion that was created in Yei as a result of the rumours surrounding the dismissal, replacement and arrest of Cdr. Salva Kiir.  Let us not put this under the rug by letting it be overshadowed by the issue of structures.  Let us satisfy ourselves that these rumours were not true and dismiss them sincerely.  I believe that from my part I addressed this issue of rumours and the associated commotion or misunderstanding sufficiently yesterday and I was sincere about. Some people have asked yesterday for a committee to establish the facts. This is okay, but there would be no need for this if we are all satisfied that there was no such a thing, and in that case what we would need to address is how to address such rumours in the future so that they do not cause similar situations as almost happened in Yei, because the enemy will continue to devise more stratagems to divide us.  Some people like Kosti Manibe talked about some of the remedies to avoid creation of such situations in the future.
  1. As I said yesterday, our people everywhere are concerned about the rumours and commotion created in Yei.  If we are satisfied, as I believe we all are, that this problem of rumours about the dismissal, replacement and arrest of Cdr. Salva Kiir and the resulting commotion in Yei has been resolved then it is important and urgent that we move among our people and units to assure them that there was not such a thing, because that is what people are waiting to hear. Let us also tell our Diaspora and the international community, and this can best be done by holding an international press conference either here in Rumbek or in Nairobi with the four of us.
  2. B.    The Second Problem:  Trust and Confidence.


  1. The second issue I talked about yesterday was trust and confidence between me and Cdr. Salva Kiir. I considered this to be the second important issue after the rumours, because as some one put it, existence of a confidence gap provided fertile soil for the rumours to germinate. I talked at length about our long relationship since the Sudanese army and since 1983 and as recently as my visit to Akon in May 2003 and the sacrifice that was made at the Chiefs Conference in New Site, and so on.
  1. I think I addressed this issue sufficiently yesterday, except may be for one issue that of personal contact.  When I first came from the long trip abroad, I informed Cdr. Salva that I had arrived back and that I was visiting the Region (Eritrea, Ethiopia, Uganda and Kenya).  Cdr. Salva wrote to me welcoming me and informing all units that Comrade Chairman had returned back and is resuming his normal duties – a clear indication that he was acting in my absence, and so again it is not true that Cdr. Salva Kiir does not act in my absence, this is automatic; when the head leaves the deputy acts and there is normally no message sent to all units or departments every time the head leaves.
  1. On the issue of telephone contacts, we had a similar impression as Cdr. Salva.  One of my HQ officers, Major Amat Malual, had difficulty going through to the telephone of Cdr. Salva Kiir.  I was actually forced to go through Cdr. Malong Awan – I asked Cdr. Malong Awan twice to tell Cdr. Salva Kiir that I wanted to talk to him by phone and that I was not going through to him.  I was finally able to talk on the phone by arrangement with Cdr. Oyay Deng Ajak. Obviously we need to improve our communications, including having a hotline as someone suggested.
  1. The issues of a Kitchen Cabinet and some people having bought houses abroad are issues that better communications will solve because I obviously don’t have them.  The rents of the four of us here are being paid for by a friendly Government and I don’t believe any of the four of us has a house anywhere, although there are such rumours.  For those who might have houses they will talk for themselves.
  1. There are other issues of concern that were raise by Cdr. Salva on the question of trust and confidence that I should have addressed and touched on this morning by Dr. Justin Yac.  One is that Dr. John does not forgive those who have quarreled with him.  First I want to say that I do not consider that there has been a quarrel between me and Cdr. Salva.  The commotion in Yei was not caused by a quarrel between the two of us, but by rumours which we are now sorting out.  Secondly, it is not true that I do not forgive people. The five members of the first leadership who died were not because I did not forgive them. William Nyuon had come back to the Movement under complete reconciliation, we know how he died. The same thing for Kerubino.  Joseph Oduho also did not die on our side.  Arok Thon died in a plane crush on the Government side.  It is Majier whose circumstances of death are not clear.  But in the peace talks we made it clear that we are for a South African type truth and reconciliation commission.  As to those of Dr. Riek Machar we are already together as you can see him sitting near me. If anything I am criticized for too much reconciliation and too much forgiveness by even some of you in this hall.  So that I do not forgive is untrue.  I am very forgiving and will continue to be.
  1. The second issue that Cdr. Salva raised was guarantees for those who went public on the Internet and who appeared to support the rumours and commotion in Yei.  Again, I want to say that whereas there are those abroad who are writing all sorts of things, this really should not affect us here in the Movement.  We are one and there is no issue of victimization of anybody, as we have understood and satisfied each other regarding the last events in Yei.  These are the assurances we were giving yesterday, and I want to repeat that the issue of victimization of any sort does not arise at all; it will never happen and all those in this hall and Almighty God above are my witnesses.  So, to use Dr. Justin’s story, the concerns of Aguek Atem have no basis at all.  Let us unite more than at any other time before and move forward together.
  1.  I do not have much else to add on the issue of trust and confidence, except to say that trust and confidence are a form of social capital that people build over time – It is personal and there is very little you here can do about it.  However, from my part I want to assure you that I will work tirelessly to invest in trust and confidence between me and Cdr. Salva.
  1. Regarding the Issue of Structures of the Movement
  1. I agree that I did not address it sufficiently yesterday because I did not think it was the main problem.  It is not what caused the commotion or near-explosive situation in Yei.  This is not to say that the issue of structures is not a problem.
  1. The issue of structures is not new.  Second there is no argument that our structures are perfect, and there is nobody who is refusing that we reform our structures.  It is therefore a misrepresentation of the situation for anybody to suggest that the chairman did not reply the points of Cdr. Salva because the points regarding structures are not his. These are our collective problem and our collective responsibility. The issue of suitable structures for a liberation struggle is not easy and all of us have experimented with several structures since 1983. It was not the Chairman alone, but all of us collectively in the Leadership, whether this is the PMHC, the NLC/NEC or the SPLM-LC.  We used unorthodox means because of the unorthodox situation we are in.  Even the position of the COGS that somebody talked about before as being held by the Deputy Chairman is not the traditional organizational form.  This issue came up in the 1994 NC and my guidance was that let us not be catholic about this issue and that remains my position till today.
  1. The structures that we adopted at various times were dictated by changing situations and all of us participated in those changes and in the evolution of those structures.  Of course I am aware that often the credit goes to all and the blame goes to one in person, the Leader of any organization. In 1999 for example we all participated in the resolution passed by the NLC to restructure the Movement; this was not my decision alone. We were simply trying to solve pressing problems to survive.  The SPLM-LC was actually a compromise as some officers were calling for a return to military rule.
  1. Concerning assignments, these have sometimes been dictated by situations, like when Cdr. Salva Kiir was assigned as a Front Commander for BGR while he was Deputy Chairman and COGS.  This was to solve a particular situation in the Region. This is the same for other similar unorthodox assignments to solve similar situations.  These measures may now look wrong in hindsight, but this is how we got to where we are.
  1. Also the problem of a SPLA GHQ has always been with us. The GHQ has actually been there and is there now in Yei, but there are problems that we know which are associated with its functioning.  We need to solve these problems so that the GHQ functions normally.  The D/COGS at times had field assignments but this happens in many guerrilla situations and does not prevent the functioning of guerrilla GHQ.  We can have them at the GHQ and still we would have the same problems as we have in their absence.  Cdr. Peter Wal Athiu has since returned to GHQ and there is no noticeable improvement.  Now as move towards the peace agreement, we need to complete GHQ establishment and have the COGS and his deputies and other staffs in one place to organize the GHQ and the army.
  1. In the SPLA Act, that has been signed into law, the COGS has wide ranging powers which are organic to that office, the issue is using them and improving on the job description.
  1. Finally, the issue of structures in the transition was actually addressed by a large group of more than 150 cadres, and we discussed the issue of transition in the SPLM-LC.  The result was presented to me in a document entitled (______). I made some corrections and it is now under printing and will be presented by the Economic Commission to the LC.
  1. In it proposals of Transition Teams and Committees or Clusters as the document calls them has been made.  [Read some parts] – funding under the CBTF is also under way as the Economic commission is mobilizing resources.  The proposals of Cdr. Taban Deng and others are actually in this document, where we have three clusters:

(a)   SPLM

(b)  SPLA and

(c)   CANS

  1. These can be immediately formed and start working to effect the transition leading into Interim Period and formation of the GOSS.  Each of them would be under each of the three Vice-Chairmen and all supervised by the Chairman, and all working in one place as a collective leadership (SPLM-LC and Executive) managing the transition.  This is a good document in my view.  The only thing that might need reconsideration in the document is ISCOORT, so that it simply becomes a Secretariat of the SPLM-LC facilitating its work. What we may add is expediting of holding of the NC.

10.  Closing morale paragraph.

Why Beckhams named daughter Seven

Posted: July 11, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan


To anyone, the Number Seven might mean nothing, but to British football superstar David Beckham, it means everything.

First, he wore a number seven shirt when he played for Manchester United, and when his wife Victoria gave birth on Sunday, their first daughter who joined three sons, the couple named her Harper Seven

The girl arrived around 7am on the seventh day of the week and in the seventh month of the year and weighed about seven pounds.

In the Bible, there are the seven days of creation, and ancient Rome had seven gods, which gave their names to days of the week.

But the most likely reason the Beckhams chose it is because it was David’s shirt number at Manchester United and for England.

South Sudan to launch new currency

Posted: July 11, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan

South Sudanese living in Kenya sing and dance on July 9, 2011 as they wave their countries flag during independence day celebrations  on July 9, 2011.

AFP PHOTO/ SIMON MAINA South Sudanese living in Kenya sing and dance on July 9, 2011 as they wave their countries flag during independence day celebrations on July 9, 2011.