Archive for the ‘Books’ Category


By Hon. Arop Madut-Arop, Nairobi, Kenya

...the late Luol Chol...valiant revolutionary singer of Koriom Division...with Garang'e Mabior in the background under under the tree...with Kuol Majak standing guard

The late Luol Chol, a revolutionary singer of Koryom Division, with John Garang in the background sitting under the tree…with Cde. Kuol Majak standing guard

February 23, 2017 (SSB) — I have read in some social media websites, a statement by the Sudanese President Omar al Bashir and at times by his foreign minister. In his statements President al Bashir categorically, authoritatively and repeatedly stated that the disputed Abyei Region by the two Sudans is a Sudanese area and will remain so until a referendum is conducted in accordance to the 2005 Naivasha Comprehensive Peace Agreement which will enable the Ngok Dinka People, as the permanent inhabitants of the area, to decide where their area, which has been administered in Kordofan, as a result of an administrative Order in 1905, by the then colonial governor of Sudan, Sir Wingate, to protect the Ngok Dinka citizens against the banned evil slave trafficking by the Misseriya Arab.

As a citizen of this no mean region, I decide to publish a chapter from my unpublished book, “The Ngok Dinka In Historical Perspective.” The attached chapter, the Ngok Dinka Chief Kuol Arop and the Misseriya Sheikh Nimr Ali peaceful coexistent agreement is being released for publication in effort to shed light on the controversy over the right ownership of the Abyei Region. Needless to stress that it was because of this agreement that allows the Misseriya Arabs to traverse the Ngok Dinka area annually. Before the reconquest and during the Turco-Egyptian and Mahdist rules the Misseriya Cattle, were (mostly in Darfur region) were only allowed and traversed the part of the Kiir Ader in Dinka Malual country.  I would be grateful if your esteemed Website can publish this piece from my unpublished well researched manuscript which I hope will soon go to print.

Hon Arop Madut Arop (MP), who represents Abyei Region in the Transitional Legislative Assembly in Juba and the author of two books: Sudan’s Painful Road to Peace and The Genesis of Political Consciousness in South Sudan


By Manyuon Dhieu Chol, Nairobi, Kenya

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February 3, 2017 (SSB) —- As culture is a set of social codes governing values, norms and behaviors held consciously or unconsciously by groups of people. The Dinka cultural heritage and ways of age have been, and will inevitably continue to be, with our children and the generations to come.

Story-telling on: folktales, fables, animal lores, folklore, folk songs, myths, fairy tales and legends is common among the Dinka Communities as well with other African tribes. The stories are generally told by an adult to the children as they sit around a fireside in the evening, some individuals were so crafty in storytelling and they were categorized and respected as good story-tellers.

It is not possible to trace the authorship of any of the stories recorded in this book. When a Dinka storyteller is questioned on the authorship of the tales, he says that they were handed down from his ancestors, and the same story, or parts of it may be found in other sections of the Nilotic communities.


Rebuttal to Thuongjang Cidmende, by Jok Gai Anai (PDF)

By Jok Gai Anai, Juba, South Sudan

The Proposed Nilerian Script

The Proposed Nilerian Script

December 21, 2016 (SSB) — Few days ago I had the good fortune of coming across a carefully crafted radical proposal for writing of the Dinka Language by a learned colleague named Aleu Majok and his team member Maawan Gordon Muortat and their associates Makwei Mabioor Deng and Santino Miabek Dau. Given the importance that the language holds in Culture and Human Progress, anything that may alter the course of the language needs to be taken seriously. It is within this context that I have chosen to engage the above mentioned gentlemen in a full rebuttal.

I will approach this from the point of view of my personal knowledge and encounter with the language. I will leave out researched work and available literature on Thuongjang to another day when time permits. I do not consider myself an expert in Thuongjang but I believe I have had enough interaction with written Thuongjang since childhood that my views may help in promoting Thuongjang – which I believe is the core desire of the proponents of Thuongjang Cidmende

I am also not a trained linguist so I will leave out a deeply technical approach until I have had the time to engage in academic work of this nature. For the purpose of this rebuttal, my English and Thuongjang language skills are sufficient to enable me understand the position of the proponents of Thuongjang Reforms. For the purpose of clarity, the proponent’s words are italicized and indented to the right by one tab while my counter arguments are in normal text.



Posted: December 21, 2016 by PaanLuel Wël in Books, Poems., Wenne Madyt Dengs

By Wënnë Madyt Dengs, Juba, South Sudan

Ruined by the SUN, by Wënnë Madyt Dengs

Ruined by the SUN, by Wënnë Madyt Dengs

Those lilies where my colors;
When I was a spice of your heart,
I spelled my dignity to whet your romance,
When the thunder stormed the knot of our hearts,
Making us lousy.
It shocked my nostril;
there I failed to smell the nectar of your affection.
Hatred had licked it clean,
No more stillness
I got drowned in distraction

I am no longer your wife
day and night,
I am the drum you beat
how do I sound
on the ears of your hand?
Does it give them peace?

Oh, and God forbids, Lino
I am not yielding,
I will not spit myself
on the mud off thoughts

For I was once the gazelle
of the meadows
and your heart the feet that stalked

Not this drum beaten
as time rolls

When will I be honey
never spat?
When will I be the mother
of your children,  Lino?

If this love is a stale path, Lino
let’s return the gazelle
to the meadows.

I am losing my eyes
inside this cave
it’s where clouds of cigar smoke
and your teeth are rusting

Your pals are jerks
one provokes a cough
when he yaps,
the other makes me weep
when he talks.


Book Title: Politics of Ethnicity and Governance in South Sudan: Understanding the Complexity of the World’s newest Country, by John Adoor Deng

Politics of Ethnicity and Governance in South Sudan: Understanding the Complexity of the World’s newest Country, by John Adoor Deng

Politics of Ethnicity and Governance in South Sudan: Understanding the Complexity of the World’s newest Country, by John Adoor Deng

Book Abstract

This little book documents the brief history of contemporary South Sudanese politics within the context of the 22 years of the second war of liberation. A portion of it explores 17 years of the first Sudanese civil war that ended in 1972 through the Addis-Abba Agreement. The book has made meaningful analysis of the governance after the birth of the World’s newest Republic (South Sudan). It is divided into seven major chapters. Each chapter addresses the unique context of the South Sudanese political, civil, religious and military life. Chapter one introduces the book in its etymological context to the reader and chapter two narrates on ethnic groupings in South Sudan. Chapter three explores the significant roles played by ethnic groups during the war of liberation in South Sudan and beyond. This chapter appreciates positive contributions made by various ethnic groups in supporting the war efforts.

In chapter four, the author teased the negative politics rendered in ethnic context and explained how that negativity resulted in bloodshed of innocent civilians. In this chapter, some theories that have aided negative ethnic politics in the country have been discussed. Chapter five addresses religious significance and explores its negative role in fueling conflicts and feuds in South Sudan and elsewhere in the world. A significant part of this chapter is dedicated to the discussion of South Sudan as a failed state in chapter six; and as a country born in the 21st century, many analysts have argued that South Sudan has double-jumped to top the world’s failed and fragile states.  The book concludes with suggestions for institutional reforms in a quest to install good governance in the Republic of South Sudan.


Morphophonemic Reforms in Thuɔŋjäŋ Orthography: An Excerpt from “Thuɔŋjäŋ Cïdmënde”

Morphophonemic Reforms in Thuɔŋjäŋ Orthography: An Excerpt from “Thuɔŋjäŋ Cïdmënde” (Click the PDF)

“Ideas are constructed in specific languages, and if we believe that ideas are important in development, in the determination of relations of wealth, power and values in a society, then … we cannot divorce issues of language and writing from issues of wealth, power and values” and as such, the contemporary African intellectuals “…will grow their roots in African languages and cultures. They will also learn the best they can from all world languages and cultures. They will view themselves as scouts in foreign linguistic territories and guides in their own linguistic space. In other words, they will take whatever is most advanced in those languages and cultures and translate those ideas into their own languages. They will see their role as that of doing for African languages and cultures what all writers and intellectuals of other cultures and histories have done for theirs”, Ngugi wa Thiong’o

By Alëw Majɔg Alëw, Malaysia


1.0 Introduction

Whereas Thuɔŋjäŋ is arguably one of the few written and well researched South Sudanese languages, a host of orthographic challenges remain unresolved. These challenges are rooted in the unmarked phonemes and inaccurate morphophonemic designations that emanated from earlier missionary work in the language. There is a general consensus among a handful of western linguists, who researched into the language, on the approach that any new orthographic reforms, necessary as most of them content, should follow.

Nevertheless, discussions and proposals for reforms have so far focused on mostly the vowel system (representation of tones and length, having had the breathiness aspect already settled by Dhuruai’s umlauted vowels). The morphophonemic anomalies which form part of the reforms proposed in “Thuɔŋjäŋ Cïdmëndë”, a radical proposal for a total revision and revam of Thuɔŋjäŋ orthography and grammar, have not been raised or addressed anywhere in the available literature on  the language. This note, an excerpt from “Thuɔŋjäŋ Cïdmënde”, provides a brief explanation and illustration on only the morphophonemic reforms on [b, p], [d, t], [dh, th], [k, g], [u, w] and [i, y] as codas in lone morphemes (or single basic word unit) and for [u, w] and [i, y] as nuclei (or median letters in words).

Credibility of these reforms

For the benefit of readers, I would like to, first and foremost, underline that I am not a linguist nor did I have a conventional training in this field to speak with authority on these proposed reforms. But usually linguists work with native speakers of a language in issues like these. Hence, as a passionate and analytical native speaker, I will attempt to illustrate the logic that necessitates these reforms which I believe are necessary to adopt if we are to retain the authenticity and ease the grammar of the language, Thuɔŋjäŋ. Radical as they may be, I hope they will be understandable and sensible to other native speakers.

Furthermore, the proposal on these reforms is a conclusion of observational and intuitive research work done with many Muɔnyjiëëŋ/Jiëëŋ; those who are literate in other languages as well as Thuɔŋjäŋ and those who are completely illiterate (only monolingual in spoken Thuɔŋjäŋ). While the former group may sometimes have their pronunciations corrupted under the influence of second langauges they are literate in, observations from the latter group remarkably manifest and support the validity of these reforms. It is therefore helpful to refer to this group where further investigations and substantiation are needed.

Another point to underscore is that, unlike dialect-specific spelling and other grammatical issues, these observations cut across all dialects and are in no way dialect constrained (at least as far as I have noted from my discussion with speakers of different dialects).


Dr John Garang’s PhD Dissertation: Identifying, selecting, and implementing rural development strategies for socio-economic development in the Jonglei Projects Area, Southern Region, Sudan

John Garang de Mabior, Iowa State University, 1981


Dr John Garang’s PhD Dissertation: Identifying, selecting, and implementing rural development strategies for socio-economic development in the Jonglei Projects Area, Southern Region, Sudan (PDF, 292 pages)


Get the books on

By Joe Mabor, Malaysia

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October 22, 2016 (SSB) — What attitude do you have towards reading? Do you want to be successful in university or life in general? Although a few people find pleasure in reading, many take it as a burden and never dare to read at their will. But do you know what reading can do for you? Though many of us know that reading can make one successful and wise, we tend to avoid it due to a bad impression towards reading that was developed at an early age.

Many of us hated reading in school probably because we had struggled to memorize what our teachers had given us in order to pass exams. The continued improvement in quality of life is done through learning.  Reading is learning. Without learning there is no progress in life. It is therefore important to understand the power of reading in our life process. Reading enhances our academic performance in school. Students who like to read usually perform much better than those who don’t.


Garang’s Boys: John Garang’s Orphans Beyond his Natural Household

This is an excerpt from Ambassador Steven Wondu’s book: “From Bush to Bush: Journey to Liberty in South Sudan.”[1]

John Garang

John Garang’s prophecy

October 15, 2016 (SSB) —- On 29th July 2005, information came that a helicopter Dr. John Garang was travelling in had disappeared. It left Entebbe late afternoon but had not landed at its destination in New Site in Eastern Equatoria. Its whereabouts and fate were unknown. The next day on 30th July, we were told that the helicopter had crashed somewhere in the Imatong Mountains. All passengers and crew, including our leader, had perished. The news of John Garang’s death was devastating.

I was angry, confused and broken. I blamed him for not having been more careful. Did he not know that he had many powerful enemies out there? “We told you…oh foolish man…why did you not travel with Bior Ajang, Deng Alor or any senior officer who could stop you from travelling at night in bad weather? You gave all your life and energy to the struggle and now you allow yourself to be killed at this moment! What happens to the peace agreement now?

Why did you not form the government of Southern Sudan at least? What future does Southern Sudan have without you? Oh…! Oh…! Chairman! You knew that airplanes are not good; we almost crushed in Dakar, you escaped death in a plane that plunged into the ocean in Abidjan a few years ago! Why did you not drive, walk…anything? They got you! They got you! They got you! We are finished! O God! How can you be so cruel to us?”


By Simon Deng Kuol Deng, New York, USA


Demo-cracy or Demo-crazy?


October 14, 2016 (SSB) — The Democratic peace becomes the most popular theory in the international politics for its proposition that democratic states do not fight interstate wars among themselves as opposes by realist and neorealist theoretical traditions, which define international as an anarchy, where the state can act according to the reason of self-help.  The democratic peace theory recognizes only liberal democratic states as the states that do not fight each other; however, the theory does not recognize illiberal democratic states as democratic states, even though, they frequently held the fair and free competitive elections. The democratic peace theory recognizes states as liberal democratic states when they have applied the principles of democracy such as citizen participation in decision-making,  system of representation, rule of law, electoral system of majority rule and minority right, equality among the citizens, liberty or freedom granted to or retained by citizens, separation of state and religious, institutional system that ensures  checks and balances, free press, etc. into the systems of their institutions. This paper aims at analyzing democratic peace theory’s proposition, which claims that democratic states do not fight the interstate war among themselves, doubts around the proposition of democratic peace theory, and valuation of democratic peace theory and its prospects for peaceful and cooperative relations in the international system.


By HON AROP MADUT AROP (MP), Juba, South Sudan

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July 26, 2016 (SSB) — In part one of my previous article, I discussed briefly, the need for south Sudanese to reorganise themselves politically and ideologically. The first article discussed, also urged South Sudanese politicians to find a rallying point, a factor that will bring all their amalgam of nationalities together, as we move our young country forward to progress and prosperity. In this second part of my article, as food for thought, I will discuss two other factors as food for thought for our politicians; the new and the old. The first section of the article is urging politicians to avoid schism and bickering in their political parties. This is because of the negative impact the political bickering and schism bring to bear on the people they intend to lead.

The second section will also discuss two detrimental cultures in our society of: an injury to one is an injury to all and revenge killing. As promised in my previous article, I am making this piece again as food for thought to political party leaders in the hope that they will be incensed and desist from causing violence among members of their society through bickering and schism; as the sufferers caused by their political disenchantment and wrangling on both sides in the political spectrum are their innocent voters who would vote them into power in any future general elections. Below we discuss two sections, political Bickering and its implications and the culture of unwarranted collective fights as well as revenge killing which have been stemmed out in many civilised countries of the world.


This is the preface to the second edition of “South Sudan: The State we aspire to” by Dr. Peter Adwok Nyaba, sent to us for publication by Keji-Keji Mayomism from Melbourne, Australia

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July 24, 2016 (SSB) — “It was on 8 August 2005. We were leaving the burial ground – now renamed Dr. John Garang Memorial Grounds – immediately after the burial of Dr Garang’s remains. A senior member of the SPLM Leadership Council (name withheld), in a very exhausted voice, said to me “Garang was a very lucky man.” I tried to extract the meaning of these words but the man could not reply. This left me bewildered.

“How can one be lucky in death?” I thought to myself. Perhaps what my colleague meant was that Garang had not lived to watch the edifice (SPLM/A) he constructed come tumbling down like a house of cards. The sudden and tragic death of Dr Garang disorganised and disoriented the SPLM leaders. The SPLM leadership started to show cracks in its ranks even as they were still making the funeral arrangements.

Dr Garang died before achieving complete reconciliation with Gen. Salva Kiir following the fallout that was the Yei crisis. The conference fudged the matter. The two leaders acted tactically, marking time until the disaster struck. The drivers of the Yei crisis remained active, and with the death of Dr Garang, they took centre stage of the SPLM and the government of Southern Sudan. The realignment of forces inside the SPLM triggered internal contradictions.


The speech of Hilde Johnson during the launch of her book, “South Sudan: The untold Story from Independence to civil War,” in London, UK, 21 June 2016

Hilde Johnson

June 26, 2016 (SSB) — During the launch of her book, “South Sudan: The untold Story from Independence to civil War,” on June 21, 2016, at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London, Hilde F. Johnson started her speech by quoting President Salva Kiir’s speech during South Sudan’s Independence on 09th July, 20ll:

Our detractors have already written us off, even before the proclamation of the Independence Day. They say we will slip in civil war as soon as our flag is hoisted. They justified that by arguing that we are incapable of resolving our problems through dialogue. They charged that we are quick to revert to violence. They claim that our concept of democracy and freedom is faulty. It is incumbent upon us to prove them all wrong!” That was Salva Kiir Mayardiit, president of South Sudan, on Independence Day, 9 July 2011.

Two years later the detractors were proven right. Competition for political power had turned violent and would eventually shake the foundation of the new republic of South Sudan. Before its third birthday, the dream of independence and freedom had turned into a nightmare. The liberators risked destroying the very country they had spent decades fighting for.


By David Mayen Ayarbior, Juba, South Sudan

SPLM/A Founders

SPLM/A Founders

June 18, 2016 (SSB) — Here are extracts from “House of War: Civil War and State Failure in Africa 2013 (p.101-104). After I examined different case studies of civil wars, I thought of ending with a hopeful tone by looking at a positive picture in Africa.

”The Arusha Declaration and TANU’s [Tanganyika African National Union’s] Policy on Socialism and Self-Reliance (1967), more commonly known as the Arusha Declaration, was one of the most publicized documents across Africa during the region’s immediate post- independence period.12 As it came in the aftermath of waves of bitter African nationalist struggles for self-determination and independence, it established a political and economic blueprint for nation building that was opposite to imperialism.


Finding an Anti-Authoritarian Social Contract

Posted: May 17, 2016 by PaanLuel Wël in Books, Mayen Ayarbior

By David Mayen Ayarbior, Juba, South Sudan

Garang and Kiir

Garang, Kerubino and Kiir, with Aguer Manyok Aguer Deng (young man)

May 17, 2016 (SSB) — The extract herein are from Chapter one of “House of War” which was published in January 2013 by a German publishing house, Lambart Academic Publishing (LAP).  It (extract) is meant as an introduction to the hypothesis on which the book was premised, stating that:  Where a government is authoritarian, inter-ethnic political competition would inevitably lead to civil war and state failure in Africa. As a thesis, I argued that post-independence African countries have not done enough to promulgate constitutionalism through a social contract that corresponds to the region’s characteristics. Below are some of the extracts:

Africa is one continent where social contracts have yet to be consciously conceived, appreciated, and employed to the interest of its inhabitants. Having attained formal independence in the 1950s and 1960s, most nation-states in sub-Saharan Africa did little to engage in promulgating constitutionalism. Some of the politicians who resettled or received power from colonial administrations manipulated ethnic alliances to perpetuate themselves in power for decades; while many military officers, in the name of patriotism, usurped political power through military coup d’états and transformed their countries into one party states with limited to no opposition, political rights, or civil liberties. Those two government categories (civilian or military) shared similar characteristics in that they were all authoritarian regimes.


By Thiik Mou Giir, Melbourne, Australia

commander lual diing wol

Commander Lual Diing Wol with John Garang, Salva Kiir, and Yusuf Kuwa Mekki

February 20, 2016 (SSB)  — Now let me turn to what I think is needed; namely, one more struggle for the liberation of South Sudanese.  It is a project that will let us overcome our innate weaknesses and also a project that will let us overcome the evil schemes of our foreign enemies, some of who pose as our friends.  We now have multiple foreign enemies, not just one; bear that in your mind.

If these enemies want our people to fight each other, if they want to keep our people divided for the next one hundred years in order for them to exploit our natural resources, they might have already, skillfully and successfully, built within our people the internal control mechanism that threatens their very coexistence.

There is nothing more for them to do but to sit back, enjoy and watch our people demand more weapons and they provide and our people then kill themselves with those weapons.


Who is President Salva Kiir Mayaardit?

 By PaanLuel Wël & Simon Yel Yel, Juba, South Sudan

President Kiir's speeches after independence

Salva Kiir Mayaardit: The Joshua of South Sudan. Grab your copy at

  1. Birth, Childhood and Education

He was the commanding officer, a captain in charge of the national army, at the Bentiu military garrison, when Chevron discovered oil[1] in Unity state in 1978.

Because he could not be trusted by Khartoum, being a southerner and ex-Anyanya officer, he was immediately transferred to Malakal, and northern troops under northern command were brought in and placed in charge of the newly discovered southern oilfields.

In 1994, he survived[2] a plane crash in Kapenguria, Kenya, when a chartered plane he was travelling in from Wilson Airport, Nairobi, to Nimule fell from over 25,000 feet, killing all passengers including the pilot, except Salva Kiir and his body guard.[3]

He escaped unscathed, with only minor injuries to his arm. As president, he later survived a joint Egyptian-Sudanese assassination plot on his life, according to Wikileak Dossier.[4]

He is the only surviving founding member of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). He has been described as the ‘Biblical Joshua’ who led his beleaguered people to the “Promised Land shortly after the rise and fall of Moses.”[5]

His name is President Salva Kiir Mayaardit, the current president of the Republic of South Sudan.

Kiir Kuethpiny Thiik Atem—popularly known as Salva Kiir Mayaardit—was born on the 13th of September, 1951, into a pastoral Dinka family in Akon village of the Awan-Chan Dinka Community, Gogrial District in Warrap state in the Bahr el Ghazal Region of the historical Sudan. He was the eighth of the family’s nine children—six boys and three girls—born to Kuethpiny Thiik Atem of Awan-Chan (Payum clan) and Awiei Rou Wol Tong of Awan-Chan (Payii clan), both of Gogrial Dinka from the REK Dinka community.



By Kur Wel Kur, Adelaide, Australia

February 11, 2016 (SSB) …After the attendees finished eating, it was already dark.  Frogs were calling for their mates. And mosquitoes, buzzing.   The crowd dispersed and Mr. Deng and his mum were alone.

“What took you so long? It has been ages since you left,” his mother asked him with tears blurring her vision.

“Mum, it takes ages to learn how to listen and respect the military officers and to acquire necessary skills to be a soldier,” Deng said knowing that her mother has a lots to say in that night.


MAKING PEACE WHILE WAGING WAR: A Peacemaking Effort in the Sudanese Civil War, 1965-1966 (an academic paper)