Archive for the ‘Reports’ Category

By Africa Center for Strategic Studies

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A young South Sudanese girl poses with the flag of South Sudan

Thursday, June 07, 2018 (PW) — The internal conflict and resulting humanitarian crisis embroiling South Sudan since December 2013 have exposed the country’s fragility. A weak national identity, ethnically based violence, a legacy of violent conflict resolution, personalized and patronage-based politics, weak institutional checks on the abuse of power, and the absence of encompassing leadership, among other factors, all pose obstacles to peace-building. As a result, envisaging a stable South Sudan has become increasingly difficult for many South Sudanese and external observers. With regional and international diplomacy rightly focused on negotiating an immediate end to hostilities, the Africa Center for Strategic Studies has asked a selection of South Sudanese and international scholars, security practitioners, and civil society leaders to share their visions of the strategic issues South Sudan must address if it is to make a transition from its current state of dissimilation to a more stable reality. These visions, taken individually and collectively, are intended to help sketch out some of the priorities and prerequisites for transforming today’s highly fragmented security landscape in South Sudan to one in which its citizens are safe in their own country and are protected from external threats.

  1. Three Trajectories Facing South Sudan By Dr. Luka Kuol
  2. Context and the Limits of International Engagement in Realizing Durable Stability in South Sudan, By Dr. Lauren Hutton
  3. Taming the Dominant Gun Class in South Sudan, By Dr. Majak D’Agoôt
  4. Durable Stability in South Sudan: What Are the Prerequisites?, By Dr. Phillip Kasaija Apuuli
  5. Security Sector Stabilization: A Prerequisite for Political Stability in South Sudan, By Dr. Remember Miamingi
  6. Confronting the Challenges of South Sudan’s Security Sector: A Practitioner Perspective, By Gen. Kuol Deim Kuol
  7. Blurring the Lines: Ethnicity, Governance, and Stability in South Sudan, By Dr. Lauren Hutton
  8. The Rule of Law and the Role of Customary Courts in Stabilizing South Sudan, By Dr. Godfrey Musila
  9. Navigating the Competing Interests of Regional Actors in South Sudan, By Dr. Luka Kuol

The articles in this series do not necessarily reflect the views of the Africa Center for Strategic Studies.

The opinion expressed here is solely the view of the writer. The veracity of any claim made is the responsibility of the author, not PaanLuel Wël Media (PW) website. If you want to submit an opinion article, commentary or news analysis, please email it to PaanLuel Wël Media (PW) website do reserve the right to edit or reject material before publication. Please include your full name, a short biography, email address, city and the country you are writing from.


Government of South Sudan Opening Remarks at the Commencement of the Second Phase of the IGAD High-Level Revitalisation Forum (HLRF) 

As delivered by

Hon. Nhial Deng Nhial- Head of the TGONU Delegation to the IGAD HLRF

Monday, 5th February 2018 

United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) Headquarters 

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

RSS coat of ARMS

South Sudan’s coat of arms, in which the eagle symbolizes vision, strength, resilience and majesty, and the shield and spear the people’s resolve to protect the sovereignty of their republic and work hard to feed it.

Amb. Ismail Wais- Special Envoy of the IGAD HLRF,

Distinguished Facilitators,

Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates;

Government of South Sudan Opening Remarks at the Commencement of the Second Phase of the IGAD High-Level Revitalisation Forum (PDF)

1. The Government of the Republic of South Sudan unreservedly embraces the IGAD-led High-Level Revitalization Forum (HLRF) for the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (ARCSS). Its objectives are crystal clear and to that extent, the delegation of the Government of South Sudan has come fully prepared to utilize this opportunity to bring about the achievement of comprehensive peace and launch the country on the path to peaceful transition and free and fair democratic elections at the end of the transition period.

2. The purpose of the (HLRF) as stated by the Extra-Ordinary IGAD Heads of State Summit of June 12, 2017 held here in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia is threefold. First, to institute a Permanent Ceasefire, second to give fresh impetus to the inclusive implementation of the provisions of the (ARCSS) and third, to agree new realistic timelines and implementation schedules towards democratic elections at the end of the Transitional Period. It is critically important not to lose sight of the purpose of the (HLRF) otherwise the exercise could easily unravel even before it starts. And there is a real danger of that happening if some of the demands elicited by the pre-forum consultations and the unsolicited proposals and comments on governance by some South Sudanese think tanks and academics, are anything to go by. The suggestion by some that the (HLRF) should lead to an interim Government of technocrats with or without a sprinkling of “politicians” clearly indicates that there are still those among us who do not understand what Revitalization is all about. Worse still, their proposals may not be borne out of ignorance about the aims of Revitalization but rather out of a disingenuous attempt on their part to circumvent the entire process with the ultimate objective of precipitating its eventual collapse.



The Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU)

Office of the Minister (17th December, 2017)

December 18, 2017 (SSB) —- This is the Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU) Critique of the Pre-Forum Report on the Conduct of the High-Level Revitalization Forum for the Parties to the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (ARCSS), IGAD Council of Ministers, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 17th December, 2017.

The Preamble

The TGoNU takes the opportunity of this 59th Extra-Ordinary IGAD Council of Ministers meeting of the 17th December 2017, to register its sincere appreciation to the IGAD Heads of State and Government for their concern and commitment to restore peace, harmony and socio-economic prosperity to the people of South Sudan.

The decision of the IGAD Heads of State and Government proves that the implementation of the ARCSS is in progress, contrary to the conclusion of some stakeholders as came in paragraph 107 of IGAD Special Envoy’s Report on page 28 that ‘the ARCSS failed because of lack of compliance/enforcement and accountability mechanisms. Shortcomings in the timely implementation of the ARCSS are in the main due to lack of funding.


Gender Equality 

A Case Study of Women’s Right to Equal Participation with Men in Public Life in South Sudan  

By  Paul Baak Anyaar

A paper submitted for the award of Bachelor Degree of Laws in the University of Juba in the academic year 2015.


Acronyms………………………………………………………………………………………………………………    ii

Acknowledgement………………………………………………………………………………………………….      iii

Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………       iv                                                                                                                         

  • Chapter one
    • Introduction and Background………………………………………………………………. 1
    • Purpose of the study……………………………………………………………………………. 3
    • Objectives of the study ……………………………………………………………………….. 4
    • Scope of the study……………………………………………………………………………….. 4
    • Methodology and structure of chapter………………………………………………….. 4
  • Chapter Two
    • Literature Review………………………………………………………………………………… 5
    • Concept of Gender Equality…………………………………………………………………… 5
    • Understanding Gender Equality ……………………………………………………………… 6
    • South Sudan’s Commitment to Gender Equality ………………………………………… 7
    • Trends and Analysis of Women’s Representation in Public Offices……………….. 8
    • Legality of Gender Equality and provisions for Women’s Participation……………. 10
    • International policy framework Relevant to South Sudan…………………….. 12
    • Rationale for Equal Participation of women with men in Public Life……………….. 16
    • International Trends of Quota Representation…………………………………….16
    • The boon of Gender Equality in Public offices………………………………… 17
  • Chapter Three
    • Introduction to Challenges facing women’s Empowerment …………………………. 20
    • Barriers to adequate Participation of Women in Public life…………………………… 20
  • Chapter Four
    • Introduction to Policy Recommendations………………………………………………… 25
    • Increasing number and impact of women in Decision-making domains………….. 25
    • …………………………………………………………………………………………… 28


What is a National Dialogue: A Brief Biography

Posted: August 22, 2017 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in History, Junub Sudan, Reports

“National Dialogues are nationally owned political processes aimed at generating consensus among a broad range of national stakeholders in times of deep political crisis, in post-war situations or during far-reaching political transitions…National Dialogues are put in motion in transition contexts when old institutions are delegitimized and a new social contract between state and society is needed.”

What is national dialogue, a handbook



By Simon Deng Kuol Deng, New York, USA


Do Not Confuse a Camouflaged Call for Confederation for Call Federalism

June 6, 2017 (SSB) — The Constitutional structure of American federalism distributes authority and powers between the national and state governments. These powers distribute to the national and state government are involved the exclusive powers and other powers, which must be shared by the national and state governments. This paper focuses on analyzing the definition of American federalism; powers divide and share by the national and state governments; advantages and disadvantages of American federalism; role of the national courts in defining the divisions of the powers, which include the concurrent shared powers between the national and state governments; and national budget as a tool of federalism for delegating authority to the states.


As it has often been the case in American history, federalism system is once again a major focus of political debate (LaCroix, 2010) of how the national and state government could have the relationship to serve the Americans accordingly to the powers that the Constitution of the United States and states have provided. The relationship of the national government to the states has been the subject of intense debate since the founding (Magleby et la., 2014) of American federalism. Alison LaCroix’s new book traces the modem debate over federalism back to its 18th-century origins.

In her view, 18th century Americans developed a new federal ideology characterized by the core belief that multiple independent levels of government could legitimately exist within a single polity (Benton, 1985) and that such an arrangement was not a defect to be lamented but a virtue to be celebrated (Benton, 1985). The debates of the 1760s through the 1780s culminated in a new constitutionalization of federalism, a process that was continued into the 1800s.


The position paper that was handed over to 1st VP Taban Deng Ghai by the members of the Greater Bor Dinka community 

Position Paper of the Greater Bor Dinka community on the current conflict caused by Murle cattle raiders and child abductors in Jonglei state (PDF)


Five people have been brutally murdered and three others injured in fresh cattle raid in Jalle Payam of Bor County. Over 3,000 herds of cattle were looted when 900 armed youth from Murle attacked Jalle Payam. 2,000 cattle have been recovered meanwhile 1,000 more have been lost to the raiders. The survivors who sustained critical injuries being healed at Bor state hospital include Mr. Akech Ajak with 4 gun shoots wounds, 93 year old woman-Awel Deng Anyuon, and Kok Ajith Manyiel.

Mayen Yong Jok, killed in Jalle

R.I.P Mayen Yong Jok, killed in Jalle in 2015 by the Murle cattle raiders

Read the full report hereHeritage Foundation: The U.S. should cut diplomatic ties with the government of South Sudan and to Hold the Combatants Accountable (PDF)


President Kiir with President Obama of the USA at the White House, Washington DC

SUMMARY: Two years after South Sudan gained independence in 2011, the country plunged into a brutal civil war driven by long-standing economic, political, and ethnic grievances, with various leaders exploiting those grievances in their quest for power and access to state resources. The primary warring factions have committed extensive war crimes and repeatedly violated the cease-fires brokered by the international community with strong U.S. support. The U.S. has failed to substantively hold the combatants accountable for flouting the agreements they have signed or for their deliberate attacks on American citizens and diplomats. To protect its interests in South Sudan, the U.S. must change to a policy of holding the South Sudanese leadership accountable for its many crimes, which should include stopping all diplomatic engagement with the government of South Sudan and the opposition, building a painful sanctions regime targeting anyone facilitating violence, and bypassing the elites to engage directly with the South Sudanese public when possible.


Press Statement from Kosti Manibe Ngai on the reconstitution of the National Dialogue Steering Committee (PDF)

Presidential Decree: The Reconstitution of the National Dialogue Steering Committee, 26 April 2017 (PDF)

Press Statement from Mama Rebecca Nyandeng

Press Statement from Mama Rebecca Nyandeng

Report from Panel of Experts on South Sudan to UN Security Council, April 2017 (PDF)

Summary:  Final report of the Panel of Experts on South Sudan to the UN Security Council, April 2017

The de facto collapse of the transitional government of national unity envisaged in the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan of August 2015, as described in the Panel’s reports of September and November 2016 (S/2016/793 and S/2016/963), has left South Sudan with a political arrangement between the President, Salva Kiir, and the First Vice-President, Taban Deng Gai, that does not meaningfully include significant segments of the opposition, other political factions and many influential non-Dinka community leaders. This arrangement is consequently not nationally unifying, has not arrested the security and humanitarian crisis and is increasingly an obstacle to genuine political reconciliation, undermining the transition to the inclusive and sustainable peace envisaged in resolutions 2206 (2015) and 2290 (2016).

The leadership and the country as a whole continue to fracture between and within tribes, as evidenced by a number of recent high-profile resignations from the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) in Opposition in February 2017, notably of one of the most prominent (and one of the last) senior Equatorian officers in SPLA, Lieutenant General Thomas Cirillo Swaka, who launched his own armed opposition movement in March. Notwithstanding some recent statements by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development of a collective position, the regional body has also fractured in its response to the conflict, and coordinated pressure within the region to enforce the Agreement has dissipated in favour of bilateral arrangements between its members and SPLM/A in Government, dictated by these States’ national security and economic interests.

While SPLM/A in Government, SPLM/A in Opposition and other armed groups undertook military operations, including the targeting of civilians, throughout 2016 and the first quarter of 2017, by far the largest-scale campaigns have been planned and executed by SPLM/A in Government under the leadership of Kiir. These campaigns — in Upper Nile, Unity, Western Bahr el-Ghazal and Jonglei, as well as in greater Equatoria — have followed a consistent tactical pattern since the major government offensives in 2015, namely a combination of tribal militia and Dinka SPLA forces (with SPLA now including a Dinka militia commonly r eferred to as the “Mathiang Anyoor”) supported by heavy weapons, such as Mi-24 attack helicopters, that the government has procured since the beginning of the war.

As anticipated in the Panel’s interim report, these military operations have constituted an escalation of the war in multiple areas during the dry season, the consequences of which are starkly illustrated by the accelerating displacement of the population, most notably — during the period since November — from greater Equatoria. At least 25 per cent of the population have been forced from their homes since December 2013. As at 28 February 2017, more than 1.9 million South Sudanese were internally displaced and more than 1.6 million had fled the country — an increase of almost 280,000 internally displaced persons and 670,000 refugees since the Panel’s interim report.

In its previous reports, the Panel presented evidence of widespread violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law committed by all parties between the outbreak of the war in December 2013 and November 2016. The Panel has concluded that these trends have continued unabated, with nearcomplete impunity and a lack of any credible effort to prevent the violations or to S/2017/326 17-04364 3/51 punish the perpetrators. In addition to the Panel, at least four other United Nations agencies and investigations have documented the significant increase in tribal violence during and since the de facto collapse of the transitional government in July 2016.

While SPLM/A in Government, including Kiir, has made several public commitments in recent months to allowing unhindered humanitarian assistance, including in a joint communiqué with the Security Council in September 2016, the aid response continues to be obstructed, mainly by SPLM/A in Government. South Sudan remains the deadliest country in the world for humanitarian workers, with the number of reported humanitarian access incidents spiking significantly in the second half of 2016.

The famine declared in two counties of Unity in February 2017 — the implications of which are that at least 100,000 people are d ying of starvation and a further 1 million are near starvation — underscores the severity of the humanitarian emergency. The bulk of the evidence suggests that the famine, which had been predicted for two years, has resulted from protracted conflict and, in particular, the cumulative toll of military operations undertaken by the leadership in Juba, the denial of humanitarian access, primarily by SPLM/A in Government, and population displacement resulting from the war.

The scale and scope of the political, humanitarian and economic crises notwithstanding, the Panel continues to uncover evidence of the continuing procurement of weapons by SPLM/A in Government for SPLA, the National Security Service and other associated forces and militias. There is some, largely testimonial, evidence of arms acquisitions by opposition groups, but these supplies appear to have been limited to comparatively low numbers of small arms and light weapons and ammunition.

The political and tribal fractures described herein, although destructive for most South Sudanese, have become the default strategy for some of the country’s most prominent political and military figures. This strategy undermines organized, collective resistance to these actors’ control and ensures that they mainta in their dominance and access to the country’s resources. It also ensures that they are able to prevent genuine reforms, credible financial oversight and, ultimately, accountability for the crimes committed against the South Sudanese people, as documented by the Panel and multiple other independent investigations, including the African Union Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan.

 In addition to the confidential annex presented to the Committee in January 2016, the Panel provided evidence in its reports of 2016 of multiple other individuals responsible for or complicit in the actions and policies described in paragraph 9 of resolution 2290 (2016).

The People’s Democratic Movement (PDM) of Joseph Bakasoro: Position Paper on South Sudan National Dialogue proposed by President Kiir (PDF)

Bor County Report: Murle killed 793 people, abducted 276 children, raided 57,127 livestock and wounded 398 people from 2005 to 2012

By Mach Samuel Peter, Bor, Jonglei State

Governor Philip Aguer of Jonglei state

Governor Philip Aguer of Jonglei state

February 22, 2017 (SSB) — The office of the governor has released the atrocities committed by Murle between 2005 and 2012. Another report covering Duk and Twic East Counties will be released soon or later. In a long document entitled Bor County Peace conferences (Murle incidents from 2005 to 2012) Murle killed 793 people, abducted 276 children, raided 57,127 livestock and wounded 398 people from 2005 to 2012 in Bor County. This is the summary of the atrocities committed by Murle in Bor County from 2005 to 2012 in five Payams of Kolnyang, Anyidi, Jalle, Baidit and Makuach.

S/No Payam People Killed Children Abducted People wounded Raided livestock
1. Kolnyang 247 93 104 6,636
2. Anyidi 53 11 26 3,232
3. Jalle 138 45 76 23,724
4. Baidit 77 44 27 11,731
  Makuach 224 83 165 11,704
    739 276 398 57,127

Summary of Kolnyang Payam data for Murle incidents from 2005 to 2012

Payam Boma Source of Data/chief People killed People wounded Abducted children cattle sheep goats  
Kolnyang Boma Name M      F M    F M   F        
  Gak Aguek Nuer 11 04 05 02 05 05 415 80 118
  Pariak Kuol Gop 29 07 02   09 03 107 30 362

Garang Deng

36 03 31 05 13 19 445   337
  Awan Pandek Mach 23 06 09 05 05 04 542   382
  Nyara Malith Nhial 45 04 23 02 11 03 890   707
  Nyicak Garang Athiak 26 06 11 01 09 02 288   237
  Guala Nyok Alier 40 07 08   04 01 1308 30 378
Total     210 37 89 15 56 37 3995 140 2521


JMEC Quarterly Report on Implementation of the Peace Agreement

Posted: February 10, 2017 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Reports

JMEC Quarterly Report on the Implementation of the Peace Agreement (PDF)

Ceasefire & Transitional Security Arrangements Monitoring Mechanism (CTSAMM)

PRESS RELEASE: CTSAMM Reports on Violations

The mandate of Ceasefire & Transitional Security Arrangement Monitoring Mechanism (CTSAMM) based on Chapter II of the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (ARCSS) is to monitor and verify the implementation of the implementation Permanent Ceasefire and Transitional Security Arrangements (PCTSA). Through the extensive investigative work done by the Monitoring and Verification Teams (MVTs) under CTSAMM, incidents of conflict, allegations of violations and breach of the PCTSA by the two parties; SPLA and SPLM/A have been investigated and reports combined.

There are eight (8) investigative documents of which seven (7) areviolations of the PCTSA. The reports are as follows:

  1. CTSAMM Report 70 – Violations in Juba
  2. CTSAMM Report 71 – Violation in Leer Area, Upper Nile
  3. CTSAMM Report 72 – Violations in Unity State
  4. CTSAMM report 73 – Alleged violations in DigalaBoma, Central Equatoria
  5. CTSAMM Report 74 – Violations in the Malakal Area
  6. CTSAMM Report 75 – Alleged violations in Juba
  7. CTSAMM report 76 – Fighting in Nassir, Upper Nile State
  8. CTSAMM REPORT 77 – Monitoring Report January 2017

The documents attached to the press release offer incident summary, assessments and recommendations to the warring by CTSAMM. The information has been condensed, however to obtain a comprehensive report of the publications, please visit the CTSAMM website at:


Human Rights’ Report on the July 2016 Fighting in Juba, South Sudan

Posted: January 19, 2017 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan, Reports


Government of South Sudan: Official report of the Investigation Committee on the Terrain Hotel incident of 11 July 2016

Note verbale dated 4 November 2016 from the Permanent Mission of South Sudan to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council

The Permanent Mission of the Republic of South Sudan to the United Nations presents its compliments to the President of the Security Council and has the honour to forward the official report of the Investigation Committee on the Terrain Hotel incident of 11 July 2016 (see annex).

The Permanent Mission of the Republic of South Sudan kindly seeks your assistance in having the present note verbale and its annex circulated among the members of the Security Council as a document of the Council.

Annex to the note verbale dated 4 November 2016 from the Permanent Mission of South Sudan to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council

Official report of the Investigation Committee on the Terrain Hotel incident of 11 July 2016


The nature of offences committed at Terrain Hotel against foreign aid workers and other foreign and local residents on 11 July 2016 are a reminder of the terrible consequences of the July fighting. What occurred at Terrain, particularly to the victims of rape, was inexcusable and deserves condemnation. I personally would not have been able to understand the feelings and distress caused to these victims if it were not for my appointment to lead this investigation. Through this investigation I and my colleagues were made to understand the physical and mental pain caused to the victims of this unfortunate incident. The Committee was also aware of the untold suffering caused to other victims of the fighting that occurred from 8 to 11 July 2016. While investigating these serious allegations, the Committee was mindful of its mandate to establish the facts of what took place at Terrain in the afternoon and evening hours of 11 July 2016. The Committee was able to gather enough information regarding the incident, and this enabled it to determine the circumstances and the nature of the offences committed at Terrain by the perpetrators. The Committee’s work was facilitated by the commitment of His Excellency General Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of the Republic, who personally directed the Committee to ensure that the investigation was comprehensive, transparent and independent. The President was also throughout clear that the perpetrators of the Terrain incident must take responsibility for their individual and collective acts. The Committee also had challenges associated with the investigation. One of the challenges that confronted the investigation was how to obtain statements from foreigners who were witnesses or victims of the Terrain incident. Many of the foreigners who were victims of the incident had either departed the country, were not traceable or were not willing to speak to the Committee. It was a painstaking exercise for my investigators to trace the victims of rape, given their reluctance to testify because of the confidentiality and stigma associated with the victims of these kind of offences. Having concluded this investigation, it is the Committee’s hope that this report would provide most if not all of the answers pertaining to the Terrain incident. We are, however, mindful that this report is not an end in itself, but a good reference for pursuing further criminal investigation and prosecution against suspects. It is our strong conviction that the findings and recommendations contained in this report would lead to accountability by those linked to the Terrain incident. There is no doubt that the victims of the Terrain incident would only find consolation or comfort if those who perpetrated these terrible crimes were held to account. It was a great honour for me and other members of my Committee to undertake this noble and challenging task. This Committee has tried its level best within the limited period and resources to determine the facts pertaining to the Terrain incident. It is my hope that the findings and recommendations contained in this report would be given the attention they deserve by the leadership and all the relevant institutions.


By Simon Deng Kuol Deng, New York, USA


Demo-cracy or Demo-crazy?


December 29, 2016 (SSB) — A political party is a group of the individuals who choose one political ideology between several political ideologies such as modern liberalism, conservatism, socialism, etc. as their political party with which they might affiliate with because of programs or policy areas of political ideology. After a group of individuals has affiliated with political ideology to become their political party, then the individuals may either choose to remain with the name of political ideology or give political ideology a different name. If individuals, who are members changed a name of political ideology, then they might still remain to be identified by others or even by themselves with political ideology, which they have affiliated with even though they have given it a different name.

This paper emphasis to analysis modern liberalism and Democratic Party’s public social programs’ policy areas of how its leaders might protect the social security and Medicare, provide health care, stabilize the housing, provide education to everyone, support the military families and veterans, take care of American Disabilities, recognize faith-based organizations, protect the laws of the civil Rights, protect the laws of the voting Rights, protect a women’s right to choose, protect the freedom of individual to marry, ensure the public safety, justice, and crime prevention, promote social innovation and poverty eradication, and protect environment.


Children Of a Lesser God

Report of the investigation into the power politics behind the removal of the Kenyan Force Commander of the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) by  the International Policy Group’s (IPG)

November 2016

Children Of a Lesser God: An Investigative Report into the Power Politics of UNMISS in South Sudan (41-page PDF)

Morphophonemic Reforms in Thuɔŋjäŋ Orthography: An Excerpt from “Thuɔŋjäŋ Cïdmënde”

Morphophonemic Reforms in Thuɔŋjäŋ Orthography: An Excerpt from “Thuɔŋjäŋ Cïdmënde” (Click the PDF)

“Ideas are constructed in specific languages, and if we believe that ideas are important in development, in the determination of relations of wealth, power and values in a society, then … we cannot divorce issues of language and writing from issues of wealth, power and values” and as such, the contemporary African intellectuals “…will grow their roots in African languages and cultures. They will also learn the best they can from all world languages and cultures. They will view themselves as scouts in foreign linguistic territories and guides in their own linguistic space. In other words, they will take whatever is most advanced in those languages and cultures and translate those ideas into their own languages. They will see their role as that of doing for African languages and cultures what all writers and intellectuals of other cultures and histories have done for theirs”, Ngugi wa Thiong’o

By Alëw Majɔg Alëw, Malaysia


1.0 Introduction

Whereas Thuɔŋjäŋ is arguably one of the few written and well researched South Sudanese languages, a host of orthographic challenges remain unresolved. These challenges are rooted in the unmarked phonemes and inaccurate morphophonemic designations that emanated from earlier missionary work in the language. There is a general consensus among a handful of western linguists, who researched into the language, on the approach that any new orthographic reforms, necessary as most of them content, should follow.

Nevertheless, discussions and proposals for reforms have so far focused on mostly the vowel system (representation of tones and length, having had the breathiness aspect already settled by Dhuruai’s umlauted vowels). The morphophonemic anomalies which form part of the reforms proposed in “Thuɔŋjäŋ Cïdmëndë”, a radical proposal for a total revision and revam of Thuɔŋjäŋ orthography and grammar, have not been raised or addressed anywhere in the available literature on  the language. This note, an excerpt from “Thuɔŋjäŋ Cïdmënde”, provides a brief explanation and illustration on only the morphophonemic reforms on [b, p], [d, t], [dh, th], [k, g], [u, w] and [i, y] as codas in lone morphemes (or single basic word unit) and for [u, w] and [i, y] as nuclei (or median letters in words).

Credibility of these reforms

For the benefit of readers, I would like to, first and foremost, underline that I am not a linguist nor did I have a conventional training in this field to speak with authority on these proposed reforms. But usually linguists work with native speakers of a language in issues like these. Hence, as a passionate and analytical native speaker, I will attempt to illustrate the logic that necessitates these reforms which I believe are necessary to adopt if we are to retain the authenticity and ease the grammar of the language, Thuɔŋjäŋ. Radical as they may be, I hope they will be understandable and sensible to other native speakers.

Furthermore, the proposal on these reforms is a conclusion of observational and intuitive research work done with many Muɔnyjiëëŋ/Jiëëŋ; those who are literate in other languages as well as Thuɔŋjäŋ and those who are completely illiterate (only monolingual in spoken Thuɔŋjäŋ). While the former group may sometimes have their pronunciations corrupted under the influence of second langauges they are literate in, observations from the latter group remarkably manifest and support the validity of these reforms. It is therefore helpful to refer to this group where further investigations and substantiation are needed.

Another point to underscore is that, unlike dialect-specific spelling and other grammatical issues, these observations cut across all dialects and are in no way dialect constrained (at least as far as I have noted from my discussion with speakers of different dialects).


Executive Summary of the Independent Special Investigation into the violence which occurred in Juba in 2016 and UNMISS response (PDF)

South Sudan: Peace-building and Reconciliation in Divided Societies

Posted: October 31, 2016 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan, Reports

Peace Leadership Conference’s Paper: Peacebuilding and Reconciliation in Divided Societies Presented by David Mabior Atem Kuir, Canada

peace-leadership-conferences-paper-peacebuilding-and-reconciliation-in-divided-societies (PDF)

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