Archive for July 27, 2011

Address to the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) and Other Armed Groups (OAGs) Dialogue Conference

By: Dr. John Garang De Mabior, Chairman and C-in-C SPLM/A

28th – 30th, June 2005, Nairobi, Kenya

I. Opening Remarks:

Fellow compatriots, before we proceed with our deliberations, let us
remember to pay tribute and salute the memory and honour of all our
martyrs, who have fallen in the struggle for Sudanese dignity before independence, during the Anyanya Movement and in the war that has just ended, for it is because of their ultimate sacrifices that it was possible to reach the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that we signed on January 9th and which has made it possible for us to have this continued dialogue among ourselves today. We pay this tribute to the memory of those who have fallen because it is important to remember that they did not lose their lives in vain. The legacy and spirit of their struggle and sacrifices should always guide us and all generations to come toward creating and building a better and ever
better southern Sudan and Sudan as a whole, whatever the results of the referendum on self-determination will be at the end of the six year Interim Period.

Fellow participants, this meeting is a continuation of the previous
South-South dialogue conference held in Mbagathi in April this year between the SPLM and other political groups in Southern Sudan, and in which 24 different signatories appended their signatures to a solemn “Covenant of the People of Southern Sudan”. The issues addressed during that dialogue included: unity of the people of Southern Sudan, implementation of the CPA, reconciliation and forgiveness, good governance in Southern Sudan, democracy, institutional change and the reconstruction of post conflict Southern Sudan among others. This meeting is a result of a special recommendation made by the conference in Mbagathi that the SPLA and OAGs must also dialogue. That is also why I have left all other engagements to come and address the meeting in person. I have been away for 24 days
visiting Egypt twice, the USA, Netherlands, UK and Eritrea from where I arrived here yesterday to attend this Dialogue conference. In Cairo I
invested some two weeks of my time in North-North dialogue to ensure that the NDA become part of the peace process, and as a result of these efforts, the NDA have participated in the NCRC and will participate in the coming GONU after July 9th. This OAG dialogue conference is part of South-South dialogue and very important for Southern Sudan and I am glad I was able to come to be with you today. I am aware that there are elements within the present NCP government that did not want the OAGs to come to this dialogue
conference as also happened in April for the South-South dialogue
conference, but I am happy that you were finally able to come, and I thank and congratulate you for this.

II. The aims and objectives of the Dialogue:

Fellow compatriots, the CPA has opened a new phase in our struggle for justice, equality, freedom and democracy. The CPA has indeed addressed the fundamental problems of the Sudan and particularly the historical grievances of Southern Sudan and other marginalized areas by providing an equitable and fair framework for power sharing, wealth sharing and security arrangements.
In fact it has led to the restructuring and devolution of power in the Sudan where we now have two systems in one country. In Southern Sudan, we will now have greater say in the running of our own affairs without any undue interference. This demands that we dialogue among ourselves to resolve our differences so that we redirect our energies as a united people towards a peaceful, prosperous and tolerant society. Therefore, our objective in this dialogue is to heal the wounds of the past, remove mistrust, build confidence and restore fraternity and mutual respect among us. This is of utmost importance if the legitimate aspirations of our people are to materialize. Our participation here and my personal participation and waiting for five days should remove any doubts about our commitment to this dialogue, and our faith in the enormous benefits that will accrue to our communities as a consequence of our collective will and resolve to make a difference as we go away from here united and cohesive. I want to underline here that this is not a negotiation; it is a dialogue among brothers to heal wounds and to put our house in order. Before I came here, I spent two weeks in Cairo helping to heal wounds among Northerners, and so my coming and waiting is in the spirit of my commitment to unite all Sudanese, and Southern Sudanese in particular. The ultimate objective of this dialogue is for us to clear misunderstandings and engage in the process of building consensus for peace, to rally around the CPA, and reconciliation among the people of Southern Sudan. The new situation in the Sudan requires that Southern Sudanese rediscover their common destiny and reconnect with it. At this juncture, allow me to outline my presentation by discussing the following issues.

III. Vision and Objectives of the Movement:

The vision of the SPLM/SPLA has always been to achieve justice, equality, reedom and democracy for all Sudanese within the context of a new Sudanese political dispensation, which we have called the New Sudan, a new Sudan inwhich all are free and equal citizens irrespective of whether they are of Arab or African background, whether they are Muslim or Christian, men or women. When we first expounded this vision in 1983 it appeared strange to both Southerners and Northerners alike. Some Southerners got stuck with solving what is called “the problem of Southern Sudan” – “Mashkalat al-Junub” and the traditional rulers of Khartoum encouraged them.
[Demonstrate the futility of this approach, some one standing on me, who is the problem?]. Indeed ruling Northerners prefer to deal with those who say they want to solve “Mashkalat al-Junub” and are frightened by those who say they want to solve “the problem of Sudan”, and why do you think this is the case? Because the traditional rulers of Khartoum know that those who talk about “Mashkalat al-Junub” and an independent Southern Sudan, do not have a methodology for achieving that objective. On the other hand the rulers of Khartoum are frightened by those who talk about solving “the problem of Sudan”, such as the vision of the New Sudan, because we question the very basis and legitimacy of the Old Sudanese state and we aim at its complete restructuring. The vision of New Sudan is correct and has a methodology for change and is popular as it addresses all the problems of Sudan. Today, in 2005, after 22 years of struggle and consistency, the vision of New Sudan has engulfed the whole Sudan, from South to the far North, from East to West and in Khartoum, the national Capital as well as in Central Sudan. The vision of New Sudan holds the keys to the future of the country. The CPA articulates the vision of New Sudan in a “two systems one country” Model during the six years of the Interim Period during which we shall put in place the basic foundation and parameters of the New Sudan.
The second key objective of the Movement is Self-determination for
Southern Sudan, Abyei and other marginalized areas, where it has taken the form of the right of popular consultation for the Nuba and Fung peoples.
The CPA provides that the referendum on the right of self-determination will be conducted at the end of the sixth year of the Interim Period, that is, between 9th July 2010 and 9th January 2011, in which Southerners will choose between: (a) continuation of unity, or (b) an independent Southern Sudan. Also the right of popular consultation for the Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile will be by the fourth year of the Interim Period, where the peoples of these Two Areas will give their views and verdict through their state parliaments concerning the Agreement for the Two Areas as contained in the CPA. Finally, the Ngok Dinka of Abyei will hold a separate referendum on the same day with Southerners to choose between: (a) continuing to remain administratively in the North, or (b) returning to Southern Sudan.

In addition to these two primary objectives, New Sudan and the right of self-determination, the vision and program of the SPLM in the coming period will emphasize the following: –

Restructuring the power apparatus of the Sudan and creating a new
political dispensation.
Promotion of reconciliation, peace and harmony among all our people in
the South. North, West, East and Centre.
Transformation of the SPLM into a full-fledged political Movement in
peace time and in the environment of competitive politics, so that the SPLM truly becomes a robust political organization around which our people can rally to defend the gains of the struggle, to complete the march to New Sudan and to ensure the true and free exercise of the right of self-determination.
Transformation of the SPLA into a conventional modern standing army that will defend the gains of Southern Sudanese, the marginalized and all the Sudanese people.
Reconstruction of the country, particularly Southern Sudan and other
war-affected areas, using our resources, and emphasizing private sector
development, rural development, provision of social services and
restoration of hope and dignity to all our people after decades of war and immense suffering.
Promotion of civil society activities, development of Southern Sudanese entrepreneurs and the free movement of people, goods and services.
Establishment of an inclusive system of governance where all our peoples and communities are fairly represented.
Fighting corruption, tribalism, nepotism, discrimination of all kinds in
the context of the new political dispensation both in the GONU and GOSS and at the State and local government levels as well as in the society in general, and thereby provide a new model of governance and development for Africa and the world.
Promotion of human rights and the rule of law.
Promotion and development of our indigenous languages and cultures and the protection of the environment and our natural and historical heritage.
Promotion of gender equity, emphasizing pro-women policies and rapid
empowerment of women in all fields.
Promotion and development of the Youth and their potential; and in
general rapid development of our human resources, including achieving universal primary education in the shortest time possible.

IV. The History of Conflict and Dialogue within the SPLM/A:
Fellow Compatriots, since its inception in 1983, the Movement has alwaysreached out to others in a spirit of dialogue, reconciliation and unity. I say this by way of assuring all Southerners that we are fully committed to dialogue, peace and reconciliation with all groups and individuals no matter what differences there were between us. Furthermore, we believe that most of these differences are not real but are either a result of different perceptions or conceptualization of our situation, or are simply created to advance some political agenda or even commercial agenda. In any case we are ever ready to dialogue, to forgive, to reconcile, to do justice to all and to forge greater unity and cohesiveness, and this is made even more urgent now as we enter the 6 year interim period next month, 9th July.

In the first place dialogue is what we have been doing ever sine the SPLM was established in 1983, that is, we have been engaged in a continuous process of dialogue, negotiations and inclusiveness. It is to be recalled that the SPLM/SPLA was constituted from different Southern Sudanese groups from students, young government officials and workers, farmers, various political groups such as NAM, CUSS, SANU, Southern Front, etc., and from political-military groups that had taken up arms before us, such as Anyanya-2 (our first units of Battalions 105, 104, Tiger and Tumsah were mostly composed of Anyanya-2 elements), and other groups like Southern Sudan Liberation Front of those of Pagan Amum, which were already fighting in the Boma area.

The second wave of dialogue, reconciliation, forgiveness and unity came in 1988 with elements of Anyanya-2 and that is how Gordon Kong Chol became a member of SPLA High Command at the time. In Jokmiir when I first met Cdr. Gordon Kong Chol to seal our reconciliation and unity agreement with Anyanya-2, I presented him with an ivory stick as a symbol of peace and my “white” heart or good intentions. Gordon Kong who should be present here will attest to this. Later as a member of the SPLM/A Political Military High Command, I gave Gordon Kong Chol the Code name of “Ivory” to mark this solemn occasion. [Share the joke of the rope and story of the snake in Jokmiir]. Even with General Paulino Matip, my information is that Paulino Matip and the Spiritual Leader, Wurnyang of Gezira Fangak, were coming to join the Movement in 1991, but unfortunately this coincided with the Nasir events of 1991. I stand to be corrected if my information about them is wrong, and in any case nothing is too late as we are discussing a similar scenario today. [General Paulino Matip and General Gordon Kong Chol, my greetings to you and best of regards, I welcome you to this dialogue conference]

The third dialogue was in 1994 when the SPLM held its First National Convention, called to review the situation and resolve the allegations and grievances of the Nasir Faction and the changing national international situation marked by the end of the cold war and the Nasir split. There also followed various grass roots people-to-people peace conferences, such as Wunlit, Liliir, etc. which were held in SPLM/A areas by the Church and other civil society groups and encouraged by the SPLM/A. There were also individual and collective contacts between Southerners as well as international efforts and initiatives. These efforts reinforced the policy of the SPLM/SPLA to promote forgiveness, peace, reconciliation and unity of our people.

The fourth wave of dialogue, forgiveness and reconciliation following the 1991 split in the Movement came in 1995, when we received back the Late William Nyuon and his group, including Cdr. John Luk Jok, under the Lafon Declaration; then the Kerubino Group (1998); the Philip Bepan Group (1998) the Peter Gadet Group (1998); the SSDF (Fangak) Group (2001) under Cdr. Taban Deng Gai, Cdr. Thomas Duoth and Cdr. James Kok and the late Cdr. Michael Top; the SSDF of Cdr/Dr. Riek Machar (2002); the SPLM/A-United of Cdr/Dr. Lam Akol (2003); and EDF of Cdr/Dr. Theophelous Ochang and Cdr. Martin Kenyi (2004), and arrangement are currently under way to integrate the SSLM of Brother Gabriel Yual (2005). We are also talking with other armed groups and some of them are in this conference.

Fellow Compatriots, I want to affirm and assure you that all these groups that have merged with the SPLM have the same and equal rights as members of the SPLM/A that they found in the Movement. You can verify for yourselves by examining the assignments held by people like Taban Deng Gai, Thomas Duoth Guet, James Kok Ruea, Simon Kun Puoc, Thomas Duoth Gatkek, Martin Kenyi, Peter Bol Kong, just to name a few. They participate in military command and political affairs of the Movement equally; and they participate in negotiations and in foreign delegations equally.

It is fortunate and I am happy that the leaders of the Other Armed Groups (OAG) have finally been allowed by the GOS to come to this dialogue conference as it is critical to them and to Southern Sudan. I cleared their coming to this dialogue conference with Austaz Ali Osman Taha when we met in Cairo last week and I commend him for giving them the permission to come.
We also agreed in that meeting that representatives of SAF Military Intelligence could be present in this OAG Dialogue Conference, since they are the ones that maintain and finance the OAGs, and I hope they are here.
The Military Intelligence will of course not be allowed in the coming period after 9th July to continue to finance the OAGs, for that would be against the constitution and therefore illegal, and that could lead to the arrest of any military intelligence officer who after 9th July would take it upon himself to finance counter-insurgency activities in the South or any other part of the country. I will come to the relation of Military intelligence with OAGs later, as I am here talking to my brothers in the OAGs about peace, reconciliation and unity, and stressing the track record of SPLM/A since 1983 in promoting peace and reconciliation.

I am bringing up this aspect of the history of the SPLM/SPLA by way of assurance that we have always been sincere in these various dialogues, forgiveness and reconciliation. We have a good track record of dialogue in good faith, and I want to assure you that this OAG dialogue is the same. We are very sincere about this dialogue I assure you. The CPA says that the OAG will choose either to be incorporated into the SAF or into the SPLA/GOSS, and I want to assure the OAG here that those who will choose to be integrated into the SPLM/A will be treated equally like all others that have merged with the SPLA/GOSS in the past. There is no reason why any of the OAG should choose to join the SAF other than may be because of lack of information. I want to take the opportunity of this podium to assure the OAG that your rightful place belongs in the South and in the SPLM/A and that you will have equal rights and opportunities with your Brothers and sisters who are in the SPLA/GOSS as has happened before with all other groups.

Compatriots, Participants to this Dialogue Conference, I want to elaborate further on what the CPA says about the status of the SPLA and SAF, the status of the OAGs, the role of Military Intelligence in the coming period after 9th July, and after that present reasons as to why the OAGs should integrate into the SPLM/A and the structures of the GOSS rather than into SAF and structures of Northern Sudan, and I request the indulgence of your ears.

V. The Status of the SPLA and SAF in the CPA:

Ref: Security Arrangements Agreement of 25th Sept 2003

SAF & SPLA shall constitute the National Armed Forces.

1. Status of The Two Armed forces

b. As part of a peace agreement and in order to end the war, the Parties agree that the two forces, the SAF and the SPLA shall remain separate during the Interim Period, and further agree that both forces shall be considered and treated equally as Sudan’s National Armed Forces during the Interim Period.

d. The national Armed Forces shall have no internal law and order mandate except in constitutionally specified emergencies.

SAF will be deployed in Northern Sudan and SPLA will be deployed in Southern Sudan.

3. Redeployment

(b) Except for those deployed in the Joint/Integrated Units (JIUs), the rest of the forces of SAF currently in the south shall be redeployed North of the South/North border of 1/1/1956 under international monitoring and assistance within and up to two and half years (21/2) from the beginning of the Pre-Interim Period.

(c) Except for those deployed in the Joint/Integrated Units, the rest of  SPLA forces currently deployed in Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile shall be redeployed South of the South/North border of 1/1/1956 as soon as the Joint/Integrated Units are formed and deployed under international monitoring and assistance.

(d) The SPLM/SPLA undertakes that the demobilized Southern Sudanese from those currently serving in SAF in Southern Sudan shall be absorbed into various institutions of the Government of Southern Sudan along with demobilized SPLA soldiers.

JIUs will be formed of equal numbers from SAF & SPLA.

4. Joint/Integrated Units (JIUs)

There shall be formed Joint/Integrated Units consisting of equal numbers from the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) during the Interim Period. The Joint/Integrated Units shall institute a nucleus of a post referendum army of Sudan should the result of the referendum confirm unity, otherwise they would be dissolved and the component parts integrated into their respective forces.

[This means that in order to be in the JIUs you must either be a member of SAF or SPLA. I am aware that some elements in Military Intelligence told some of you that they are giving you 6,000 from their JIUs and then told you to go to your Brothers in the SPLA to ask them for a part of SPLA
This is deliberate misleading as the CPA is clear on this issue. For those OAGs that choose to be integrated into SAF, it their right to be included in the SAF component of JIUs as members of SAF, and it is SAF that will decide how many to include their component of the JIU; and similarly for those OAGs that choose integration into the SPLA, it is SPLA to decide how many to include in the SPLA component of the JIUs, and on this we have already laid a policy that they will get equal chances like others who are already in the SPLA. It is also important to note that they will not only be included in the SPLA component of the JIUs, there is also the Mother SPLA in which the OAGs will be integrated, and there are also DDR programs in the Southern Sudan DDR].

SAF and SPLA will form the JDB of equal numbers each.

5. Command and Control of the Two Forces (SAF and SPLA)

5.1. The Parties agree to establish a Joint Defense Board (JDB) under the Presidency, and shall be comprised of the Chiefs of Staff of the two forces, their deputies and any number of the senior officers to be agreed to by the Parties. It shall take its decisions by consensus and it shall be chaired alternately by the respective Chiefs of Staff.

JDB will command JIUs and coordinate SAF & SPLA.

5.2. Functions of the JDB

The JDB shall perform the following functions:-
(a) Co-ordination between the two forces.
(b) Command of the Joint/Integrated Units.
[It is important to note here that the JDB is not another army to which to belong, it is a command and control organ of the JIUs and a coordination mechanism for the two armed forces (SAF and SPLA), and its composition is already determined in the CPA as consisting of the Chiefs of Staff of SAF and SPLA and their Deputies and four senior and competent officers from each side. And so in order to be in the JDB you must be in these categories specified in the CPA. I bring this up because again some elements people have told you to ask for membership in the JIU. There is of course no problem, for you can be a member of the JDB if either SAF or SPLA appoints you as their Chief of Staff or one of the three Deputy Chiefs of Staff, or among the four senior and competent officers.

SAF and SPLA will be part of the National Security organ.

Ref: Agreement on Permanent Ceasefire and Security Arrangements
Implementation Modalities: Part I: The Ceasefire Arrangements.

16.4. As per Article (1) (b) and (4) (b) (III) of the Agreement on Security Arrangements, the Armed Forces (SAF, SPLA and JIUs) shall undertake the responsibility of the defense of the country against threats in their areas of deployment pending appropriate decision from the JDB.

SAF and SPLA will participate in DDR programs.

Ref: Agreement on Permanent Ceasefire and Security Arrangements
Implementation Modalities: Part III: DDR.

24.7. That the DDR is mostly a civilian process although the military input is vital. While disarmament and demobilization are mainly military, the civilian efforts in reintegration are paramount, particularly with reference to decisions of methodology and organization. The military will have input but the decisions and implementation of such programmes are the responsibility of the relevant institutions created for this purpose.

25.1.2. The Northern Sudan DDR Commission (NDDRC) and the Southern Sudan DDR Commission (SDDRC) shall be mandated to design, implement and manage the DDR process at the northern and southern sub-national levels respectively.

25.1.3. The State DDR commissions shall be entrusted with the responsibility of implementation of the programmes at the state and local levels.

VI. The Status of OAGs in the CPA

Integrating into SAF/GONU
Integrating into SPLA/GOSS

Ref: Chapter VI: Security Arrangements: 25 September 2003

7. Status of Other Armed Groups (OAGs) in the Country

(a) No armed group allied to either party shall be allowed to operate
outside the two forces.

(b) The Parties agree that those mentioned in 7(a) who have the desire and qualify shall be incorporated into the organized forces of either Party (Army, Police, Prisons and Wildlife forces), while the rest shall be reintegrated into the civil service and civil society institutions.

(c) The Parties agree to address the status of Other Armed Groups in the country with the view of achieving comprehensive peace and stability in the country and to realize full inclusiveness in the transition process.

Ref: Agreement on Permanent Ceasefire and Security Arrangements
Implementation Modalities: Part I: The Ceasefire Arrangements.

11. Other Armed Groups:

11.1. In accordance with Article 7 (a) of the Agreement on Security
Arrangements, the Parties agree to expedite the process of incorporation and reintegration of armed groups allied to either Party, into their armed forces, other organized forces, the civil service and civil societal institutions.
11.2. The Parties agree to each setting up “Incorporation and Reintegration Ad hoc Committee” to implement the provision of sub-section 11.1 above.

11.3. In accordance with the Framework Agreement on Security Arrangements during the Interim Period, no armed group allied to either party shall be allowed to operate outside the two forces. Other Armed Groups (OAGs) who have a desire and qualify shall be incorporated into the organized forces of either party (Army, Police, Prisons, and Wildlife Forces), while the rest shall be reintegrated into the civil service and civil society institutions.

11.4. Upon signature of this Agreement, the process of incorporation of individual members of all other armed groups, who desire and qualify shall start as soon as possible into the ranks of either SAF or SPLA or integrated into organized forces (police, prisons and wildlife services), while the rest shall be reintegrated into the civil service or civil society institutions.

11.7. Upon signature of this Agreement, the process of incorporation of individual members of all other armed groups, who desire and qualify shall start as soon as possible into the ranks of either SAF or SPLA or integrated into organized forces (police, prisons and wildlife services), while the rest shall be reintegrated into the civil service or civil society institutions.

11.8. By D Day + 6 months, the OAGs Collaborative Committee after
ascertaining the strength and armament conditions of OAGs units, shall ensure freedom of choice for all OAGs members to join either Party they so desire to be incorporated in, provided that no other armed groups shall continue to have a separate existence outside the command of either SAF or SPLA.
11.9. By D Day + 12 Months, the OAGs Collaborative Committee shall finish the incorporation process of OAGs members who desire and qualify into the armed forces of either Party and police, prisons, wildlife service and civil service.

[The above means that there will be no OAGs after July 9th 2005. You either belong to SAF or SPLA. If for example you choose to be integrated into AF, say with rank of Brigadier, it means you become a regular officer in SAF and you will be like any other Brigadier in SAF. It means you will have a assignment in SAF as commander of some unit or as staff officer in some garrison. You will go to work at 8 A.M. and out at 2 P.M., or whatever the time work ends. You will have the salary of allowances like any other Brigadier of your status [on Permanent List, Temporary List or Honorary List?], and you will get your salary and allowances through your unit not through Military Intelligence, unless this is your official unit. You will not be “Gowat al-Sadika” under Military Intelligence, you will be just SAF].

[Secondly, it is also to be noted also that after 9th January 2006, that is in six months time, there will be only SPLA, SAF and JIUs deployed in Southern Sudan, and by July 9th 2007 at the latest, that is, by two year’s time at the maximum, there will be only SPLA and JIUs deployed in the South, as all SAF forces outside the JIUs shall have by that time been withdrawn to North as provided for by the CPA].
12. Foreign Insurgency Groups:

12.1. The parties have resolved to end the presence of the foreign
insurgency groups on the Sudanese soil;

12.2. The parties shall work together to disarm, repatriate or expel these
groups as soon as possible.

VII. Status, Role and Conduct of Armed Forces after July 9th

Ref: Agreement on Permanent Ceasefire and Security Arrangements
Implementation Modalities: Part I: The Ceasefire Arrangements.

1. General and Fundamental Provisions

1.2. The Parties shall always refrain from any act or acts that may in any way spoil the peace process. They shall unceasingly create and maintain a conducive atmosphere for peace and tranquility;

1.12. The Parties shall commit themselves that all forces, troops under
their respective command and forces allied and affiliated to them at all
levels and rank and file shall fully cease fire and stop hostilities;

1.14. The Parties agree not to arm, train, harbour on their respective
areas of control, or render any form of support to external subversive elements or internal armed groups;

Ref: Agreement on Permanent Ceasefire and Security Arrangements
Implementation Modalities: Part II: The Armed Forces.

16.1. The two Armed Forces and the JIUs shall be regular, professional, and non-partisan armed forces. They shall respect the rule of law and civilian government, democracy, basic human rights, and the will of the people.

17.6. In the event of any external or internal threat, the JDB shall,
subject to section 16.2 above, decide on how to address the situation. The JDB shall decide whether all forces, the JIUs or either force (SAF and SPLA) shall handle the threat alone or collectively. The JDB may also decide on the appropriate support and reinforcements that other forces shall lend to the forces facing direct threat and aggression. In a joint operation, JDB shall determine lead HQS for that operation.

18.1. The line of redeployment of SAF and SPLA shall be South/North Border of 1/1/1956 as came in Article 3 (b), in the Agreement on Security Arrangements during the Interim Period signed on 25th September, 2003.

VIII. Deployment of the JIUs and SPLA in Southern Sudan

The SPLA will be deployed in Southern Sudan as shall be decided by the SPLA GHQ according to the strategic requirements for the defense of the country from the South, while the JIUs shall be deployed as agreed in the Permanent Ceasefire and Security Arrangements. Except for the JIUs and SPLA no other forces shall be deployed in the South. The following are the areas agreed for the deployment of the JIUs in the South.

20.14 JIUs Detailed Deployment:

20.14.1. First JIUs Infantry Division – Equatoria: Deployed in:
(1) Juba, (2) Torit, (3) Kapoeta, (4) Yei, (5) Jabor, (7) Maridi, (Mundari, (9) Yambio and (2) Tambura.

20.14.2. Second Infantry Division – Upper Nile: Deployed in:

(1) Malakal Town, (2) Nasir Town, (3) Bounj, (4) Melut, (5) Bentiu Town,  (6) Pariang and (7) Bor Town.

20.14.3. Third Infantry Division – Bahr el Ghazal: Deployed in:

(1) Wau, (2) Tonj, (3) Rumbek, (4) Shambe, (5) Aweil (6) Raja, (7) Gogrial and (8) Abyei

I am bringing up the areas of deployment of the JIUs because I am aware that there are elements in Military intelligence that are reported to be telling the OAGs to capture this or that place from the SPLA , for example, Akobo or Maiwut. There is no need for this, because the only places the JIUs will be deployed are the ones listed in the CPA, and Akobo and Maiwut are not included. In Greater Upper Nile the places for deployment of the JIUs are only the nine places I mentioned before, i.e., Malakal Town, Nasir Town, Bounj, Melut, Bentiu Town, Pariang and Bor Town.

IX. Relation of Military Intelligence to OAGs after July 9th 2005

From all that I have just said, the OAGs will cease to exist after July 9th as they shall have by then chosen to be incorporated into either SAF or SPLA
– Refer to Article 11.8. of the Ceasefire Arrangements, which says: “By D Day + 6 months, the OAGs Collaborative Committee after ascertaining the strength and armament conditions of OAGs units, shall ensure freedom of choice for all OAGs members to join either Party they so desire to be incorporated in, provided that no other armed groups shall continue to have a separate existence outside the command of either SAF or SPLA”

Any SAF military officer who after this date shall continue to sponsor the OAGs, by giving them money, ammunition, guns, etc., outside what is specified by military regulations, shall do so at his own risk, as such an officer shall be acting outside the constitution, and shall be arrested and prosecuted under the law.

It is to be noted that those from the OAGs who shall be integrated into the SAF, shall have the same conditions of service like any other officer in the SAF, and similarly those who will be integrated into the SPLA shall have the same conditions of service like any other SPLA officer. I am aware that SAF Military Intelligence used to draw budgets for financing the OAGs. This was okay because the Sudanese army was using counter-insurgency to fight an insurgency in Southern Sudan, but with the CPA the insurgency in Southern Sudan is over, and so the counter-insurgency also must be over. Secondly, there will be a new Government in Khartoum in which the SPLM will have a share of the Presidency and significant presence in the Cabinet. This new Government of National Unity cannot approve a budget for counter-nsurgency to fight itself. It is also to be noted that after July 9th there shall be no OAGs who are outside SAF or SPLA command, and all OAGs shall be subjected to the military command of either Party. This means that any activities by OAGs after July 9th will be considered to be sanctioned by the side they have been incorporated into, and that side shall be held accountable for those activities by the GONU and by the UN peace mission.

X. Why OAGs Should Integrate into the SPLA and GOSS, and those who integrate into SAF should conduct themselves normally like any other officer or soldier in SAF

They are largely SPLA by origin;

They are Southern Sudanese;

To enhance unity of Southern Sudan: We need peace and stability for development;

To participate in the protection, Security and development of Southern Sudan;

To ensure and enhance implementation of the CPA, and both the NCP and SPLM want the CPA implemented;

To ensure and guarantee the exercise of the right of
self-determination after the six years of the Interim Period;

 Because both the insurgency and counter-insurgency are over as a result of the CPA, and both the NCP and SPLM are committed to a just and fair solution to the issue of OAG as came in the CPA. For its part the SPLM is willing and ready to integrate the OAGs into the SPLA and structures of the GOSS;

Because they would prefer to be handled under Southern Sudan DDR for those who will not be in SAF, SPLA and JIU, and even for those who will be integrated they will eventually benefit from the Southern DDR after they retire. For example, those incorporated into SAF Colonel to Major General will all be retired within four years, even those from rank of Major. As for those integrated as 2nd Lt to Captain, they will be required to pass their promotions exams, and if they fail they will be dismissed. This is the law of the SAF.

Finally my advice to you is to be incorporated into SPLA and GOSS structures, as this is good for you personally and for Southern Sudan publicly. However, if still for some reason you choose to be incorporated into SAF, then work and live peacefully with others and do not accept to be used by anybody for counter-insurgency purposes in the South, because there is no insurgency in the South, and the new GONU will not allow anybody to use you for counter-insurgency for that matter.

XI. Principles for Integration of OAGs

Equal treatment with other SPLA forces and this has been the case for all forces that have merged into the SPLA. I assure you of this;

Recognition and harmonization of ranks. I assure you of this; it has been done before. If there are complaints, they come mostly from those who stayed in the Movement, and feel cheated when they see their colleagues several steps ahead of them. But this is a small price to pay for the unity of our people and they understand;

 Equal chances with other SPLA forces in participation in the JIUs, in the Mother SPLA and in at all levels of command and in all other structures of GOSS;

Equal chances with other SPLA forces and personnel in participation in DDR programmes;

Equal chances with other SPLA forces and personnel in training both locally and abroad;

Equal chances with other SPLA forces and personnel in absorption into other organized forces and civil service.
XII. General Amnesty for all:

I would like finally to assure you of a general and unconditional amnesty to all OAGs and all those others who for one reason or other decided to fight the SPLM/A, some even did not make any such decision, but in the circumstances of Southern Sudan and of war, they simply found themselves on the Government side fighting the SPLM/A. I want to state here in front of you that, as Chairman of SPLM and Commander-in-Chief of the SPLA, that all will enjoy full and unconditional amnesty, whether you are integrated into the SPLA and GOSS structures, or for reasons only known to you choose to be
integrated into SAF and central Government structures you have complete amnesty. The situation has changed and will continue to change in both South and North, and we must put the past behind us and move forward to develop our country.

This amnesty is necessary because I want unity of Southern Sudan. I want complete peace and stability all over Southern Sudan, so that we implement our vision of governance and development. By the end of the six year Interim Period I want Southern Sudan to be earning at least two billion dollars from oil revenues, two billion dollars from tourism, at least six billion dollars from agriculture and other enterprises, so that we have annual revenues of at least ten billion dollars. All this requires peace and stability all over Southern Sudan. Over the six years I want Southern Sudan transformed into the heaven on earth of Africa and within this period I want the vision of a truly New Sudan achieved, a prosperous New Sudan that belongs equally to all its citizens, whether they are of Arab origin or African, whether they are Muslims or Christians, whether they are female or male, or otherwise failing to achieve a truly New Sudan, the people of Southern Sudan would obviously not vote to continue to be second class citizens, they would opt out for full independence.

XIII. Conclusion:

Fellow Southern Sudanese, I would like to emphasize that the CPA with all its merits belongs to all of us. It is a good Agreement for Southern Sudan and for the Sudan as a whole, and so I appeal to you, to all southern Sudanese, to support the CPA and to achieve consensus around it. Secondly, I want to say that whereas the Agreement was negotiated by the SPLM and NC-GOS, the CPA does not belong to the SPLM and NC-GOS; it does not belong to John Garang and Ali Osman; it belongs to all Sudanese; it belongs toyou; it belongs to all Southern Sudanese; and so you own it and use it for the development of Southern Sudan and provision of basic services to our people.
The CPA has provided us with enormous opportunities. In summary it has made us achieve the following: the Right of Self Determination, North/South Border Demarcation, Real Power for Southern (one country two systems model), an independent Army during the Interim Period, four sources of revenues (a) 50% of oil revenues, (b) 50% of non-oil central government revenues generated in Southern, (c) revenues generated by the GOSS by virtue of its taxing powers; and (d) international assistance to Southern Sudan, which will come directly to Southern Sudan. In addition we have achieved strength in the Three Areas (Nuba Mountains, Southern Blue Nile and Abyei). And in GONU Southern Sudan shall have at least 10 out of 30 Full Cabinet Ministers and at least 10 State Ministers.

In all respect, the CPA is also good for others. The CPA is not only good for Southern Sudan; it is also good for the NCP and for other political forces in the North. For the NCP they become our partners for at least six years, and I want to pay compliments to the NCP for their contribution to the peace agreement. For the other political forces in the North the CPA achieves all the objectives they have struggled for including Democracy and elections, Interim Government, Interim Constitution and Human Rights. That is why I spent two weeks in Egypt this month to help in bringing the NDA into the CPA in North-North dialogue, and indeed we succeeded to do this, as the NDA joined the NCRC and will be part of the GONU after July 9th. The CPA can also be adapted and applied to bring peace in other parts of the country such as Darfur and Eastern Sudan, and the SPLM will work with the NCP and the resistance movements in these areas to bring a fair and just political settlement to Darfur and Eastern Sudan.

Finally, I want to leave you with words of assurance and hope. Firstly, we are not anybody’s burden; we are masters in our own house. We are confident in ourselves and of the future. There are those who might entertain the false beliefs that we cannot govern ourselves, we should not and cannot let their thought patterns influence us. Let us collectively go down in history as the generation of South Sudanese that turned Sudan around-by putting an end to discrimination, racism, inequality, division, exploitation, and marginalization at best, and slavery and casual murder at worst. Let us unite against ethnic, religious, and racial divides to restore personal dignity for all. Let us move from total economic dormancy to total vibrancy; from relegation and resignation to a cycle of poverty, destitution and misery to activism, hope, and excitement. Let us reject being mere spectators in life, to becoming masters of our own destiny. A Bishop friend of mine yesterday told me a joke that three people went to see God, and the Almighty asked them what they wanted. One of them said he wanted wisdom, the second said he wanted riches, and the third, a Southern Sudanese, said he was only accompanying the other two. You will guess who wanted wisdom and who wanted riches, but what I want to tell Southerners is to stop accompanying others and be masters of their own destiny; I say the same for all Sudanese and for all people of Africa.

I want in closing to assure you all once more that there shall be enough room for all Southern Sudanese who wish to participate, and by way this assurance I often have quoted the Gospel of John 14 V 1-2. “Do not be worried and upset” Jesus told them. “Believe in God and believe also in me. There are many rooms in my Father’s house, and I am going to prepare a place for you. I would not tell you this if it were not true”. So, I say to all Southern Sudanese that there will be many rooms in the GOSS and GONU, and all are welcome in this big house called Southern Sudan. In the legislature for example Southern Sudan shall have 135 members in the Central Parliament, 170 in the Southern parliament, and about 400 in the Parliaments of the ten Southern States; that alone is more than 700 legislators. In the Executive Southerners will have 10 full Ministers and at least 10 State Ministers in the GONU and about 20 Ministers in the GOSS and some 40 Ministers in the State Governments; these are more than 70 Ministers. Then you have the judiciary and civil service. And with the massive development we shall launch the private sector will be very lucrative and full of jobs. As you can see there will be enough room for every one; our problem will actually be lack of manpower.

I want to conclude by assuring you that the SPLM will continue to be
steadfast, that the SPLM will continue to be a movement of the people and for the people; the SPLM shall not betray your cause and trust as we have not betrayed you over the last 22 years of struggle and consistency. The SPLM shall continue its vision and ideals that it has sacrificed for over the last 22 years and for which we have shed tears and blood. Let me remind you of these ideals.

1. Our struggle has been for freedom, liberty, equality, justice, human rights and democracy. We can not replace these ideals with a system of their opposites. We cannot replace injustice with injustice or abuse of human rights with another system of abuse for human rights. The SPLM will stand by these ideals. The SPLM will do everything to fight corruption, nepotism and parochialism. We will be the model for Africa and indeed of the world, let us not be modest about this; we have a bright future ahead, let us unite and dream together; it is not bad to dream, for that is how we humans climb great heights and even greater heights we never dreamed were possible to be reached.

2. During the long struggle we have stood for these ideals. This is why we have released thousands of POWs over the last 22 years. Despite what others say about us, a Movement that is not dedicated to the ideals of freedom, justice and human rights would not keep and feed POWs when we have so little. Right from the very beginning in 1983 we defined the object of combat not to be to kill the other guy, the enemy, but to render the other guy non-combative, and therefore if an enemy soldier has been disarmed following combat, killing that soldier is considered by SPLA law and code of conduct as murder.

3. The SPLM treatment of POWs is the result of our having become liberated. I see myself as a human being no greater than any and inferior to none. And when I look at another’s face I recognize another human being; indeed I see the face of God and I respect all human beings as bearing the image of God and as children of God. Humanity is universal that is why we interbreed as one species. God created us in equality and dignity; it is people and governments that degrade God’s creation. It is because of these beliefs that we have spared the lives of thousands of POWs despite our difficult circumstances as guerrillas with very little material means.

4. This is the legacy that we want the SPLM to bequeath to the people of Sudan and to future generations. We want to leave behind a culture of non-violence, forgiveness, reconciliation, peace, consensus-making and democracy, justice, freedom, human rights rule-of-law, incorruptibility, integrity and patriotism so that these ideals are permanently embedded in our constitution, structures of governance and are nurtured over time so that they become part of the culture of the New Sudan. We bring a new culture, the culture of the New Sudan, and it is you people of Southern Sudan and other marginalized areas and all the oppressed of Sudan who will be in the forefront of the struggle to realize the New Sudan.

I thank you for your listening and I wish you all the best in this very
important dialogue conference between the SPLM/A and OAGs. As I said before your rightful place is to be integrated into the SPLM/A and GOSS structures.
Perhaps you did not have sufficient information might have decided prematurely to be incorporated into the SAF, but it is not too late because the CPA requires that you be adequately informed so that you make informed decisions in your own interest. I want to assure you again in closing I personally welcome you into the SPLM/A and GOSS. As for those of you who will continue to choose to be incorporated into SAF after this dialogue conference, you of course have that freedom. You are a Sudanese citizen, and if you choose SAF, then make sure you get your rights in SAF, and we will also help you to get your rights in SAF. I want to end with a small story of a gazelle that may be familiar to some of you. [Relate the Story].
This story depicts the present situation of Southern Sudan. I appeal to you and through you to all Southern Sudanese that this time around let us not miss the gazelle, we have a great opportunity. I say the same for the whole Sudan; we must not miss the opportunity of a new beginning and the march to the New Sudan. Thank you very much.

Again, I leave with the same appeal of peace, reconciliation, forgivenessand unity, and my personal assurances. Thank you and thanks to President Moi and the MAI for organizing and hosting this OAG dialogue conference, and I thank you all for coming.(End)

South Sudan: How to start a nation

Posted: July 27, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in World
Tags: , ,

Trappings of state: Getting a brand new country off the ground is a fiddly business.

SOUTH SUDAN chose its new national anthem in democratic style. In a packed concert hall in Juba, the young state’s scruffy capital, rival choirs performed their entries. Purists argued that the winner’s tune did not fit its lyrics. But the decision has laid down one stone on the road to statehood. Less fun lies ahead. Hooking up with the international system’s buried wiring involves gaining everything from telephone dialling codes to internet suffixes, via postal connections, air-traffic control and trade tariffs.

A foreign service is already taking shape. Around 100 southerners worked as Sudanese diplomats; diaspora members already man outposts in many countries. More staff are needed. Outsiders are hurrying to help. Independent Diplomat, a charity, is advising the new state. Austria is offering five places at the world’s oldest diplomatic school in Vienna.

Their first task is formal but vital: to gain diplomatic recognition. Notching up all 190-odd countries will take time—Estonia, which regained independence in 1991, has relations with only 170, most recently formalising ties with Haiti in 2010. But recognition from the world’s main governments (and the likely lack of any opposing voices) enables a vital step: membership of the United Nations.

South Sudan will tread a path already navigated in recent years by East Timor, Eritrea, Slovakia, and the ex-Yugoslav and ex-Soviet republics that had big-country blessings on their birth. The process is hardly glamorous: new countries do not get an embossed birth certificate or a fanfare. Instead, the Editorial, Terminology and Reference Service of the United Nations Documentation Division will enter the state in “Country Names”—a pamphlet that lists in six languages the popular and formal names of full UN member nations. Outsiders such as Abkhazia, Kosovo, Northern Cyprus and Western Sahara have to make do with a place on lesser lists, such as those compiled for less political purposes by the UN Statistics Division.

The listing in New York sets many wheels turning. It grants a spot in ISO 3166-1, a directory compiled by the Geneva-based International Standards Organisation. This list converts national names into two- and three-letter codes (AFG for Afghanistan; ZWE for Zimbabwe). These codes will help sort the new state’s international post, mark out its citizens in immigration databases and allow the South Sudan pound to feature on international exchanges when it launches in July. The national top-level domains used in web addresses (like “.fr” for France and “.de” for Germany) are usually the same as the ISO two-letter codes. South Sudan’s web sites may have the sinister if logical “.ss” suffix.

International telephone codes are allocated by the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), a UN agency also based in Geneva. It will grant the South Sudanese a dialling code, replacing Sudan’s +249. (Eritrea, until now Africa’s newest country, is +291, so +292 could be for South Sudan.) The ITU also divvies up radio wavelengths. A South Sudanese space-satellite programme may still be some way off, but the new country will have a place in the weighty Master International Frequency Register.

Before South Sudan’s new diplomats relax on the cocktail circuit, they will also need to establish ties with a long list of other outfits. The International Civil Aviation Organisation deals not just with air travel, but will also help the new government issue machine-readable passports. The Universal Postal Union will allow the country’s new postage stamps (eagerly awaited by philatelists) to convey letters abroad.

That is a big hurdle for would-be countries outside the fold: Somaliland’s mail often comes via Ethiopia; Palestine’s post until recently had to go through Israel; until 2008 post between Taiwan and mainland China went via Hong Kong or Macau. South Sudan has no coastline, but it may well join the International Maritime Organisation, much preoccupied these days with piracy in nearby waters. Around half the world’s landlocked states belong to the body.

Textbooks, encyclopedias and wall maps may take time to catch up with the new country. Some cash-strapped libraries still use atlases showing fossils such as the Soviet Union and the German Democratic Republic. But after decades of struggling for independence, South Sudan is not short of patience.

When South Sudan was welcomed into the United Nations on July 14, the organization’s press office declared it “the world’s newest state.” But the UN knows well that such declarations are thorny at best. State, nation or country – there is no legal definition of the place stamped on the cover of a passport. Adding South Sudan means that there are 193 member states of the United Nations. But that doesn’t answer the question of how many countries there are in the world.

What makes a country?

Denis Seguin

From Saturday’s Globe and Mail
Published Friday, Jul. 29, 2011 7:38PM EDT


July 27, 2011 (KHARTOUM) – South Kordofan Governor Ahmad Haroun has charged his former deputy Abdul Aziz Al-Hilu with attempting a localized coup in coordination with rebel groups from the western region of Darfur.

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National Congress Party candidate for governor, Ahmed Haroun, speaks to the press after voting at the polling centre in Kadogli in the South Kordofan state, May 2, 2011 (REUTERS PICTURES)

Sudan’s oil-producing state of South Kordofan, which borders the newly independent state of South Sudan and the war-battered region of Darfur, descended into violence since 6 June when Sudan army known as the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) clashed with forces of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) led by Abdul Aziz al-Hilu.

The conflict in South Kordofan, which escalated into heavy artillery and aerial bombardment, is believed to have been erupted after SAF attempted to disarm SPLM fighters. The violence also followed contentious gubernatorial elections in which Haroun, the incumbent governor of the ruling National Congress Party (NCP), was declared winner over his deputy Al-Hilu who disputed the result saying the vote was rigged.

Addressing a press conference in Khartoum on Tuesday, Haroun said that Al-Hilu had planned to launch a coup on 6 June and assassinate 110 political figures in the state.

He further said that documents obtained by the army at Al-Hilu’s residence revealed a plan by AL-Hilu forces to wrestle control of South Kordofan’s state capital Kadugli with three divisions of the SPLM’s military wing, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), at 6 pm on 6 June.

Haroun, who faces an arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed in the course of the government’s notorious counterinsurgency in Darfur region, said that Al-Hilu had also planned to coordinate with Darfur rebel groups to advance towards Khartoum once control of Kadugli is secured.

The ICC indictee further claimed that Al-Hilu was receiving assistance from Bentiu town in the Unity State of South Sudan.

South Sudan declared full independence from Sudan on 9 July. The region, which is ruled by the SPLM, says it no longer maintain ties with forces in South Kordofan.

Haroun said they were still willing to engage in dialogue with Al-Hilu, however, he added that such dialogue must occur within the framework of effective security arrangements and without preconditions.

Khartoum government withdrew commitment to an agreement it signed on 28 June with the SPLM in Addis Ababa on South Kordofan situation.

The deal, which stipulated the recognition of the SPLM’s as a legal political party in north Sudan and provides for the integration of SPLA forces into SAF, was declared null and void by President Al-Bashir who ordered SAF to sustain military operations in South Kordofan.

Separately, Haroun has strongly denied reports on the identification of mass graves in South Kordofan.

Citing satellite imagery and eye-witness reports, the Satellite Sentinel Project (SSP), which monitors Sudan, said last week it had found evidence of mass graves in Kadugli town.

A leaked report produced by the UN Mission in Sudan concluded that “especially egregious” acts by SAF during the conflict could be considered as war crimes and crimes against humanity, recommending a probe by the ICC into the situation.

In an interview with Saudi owned Al-Sharq Al-Awsat newspaper on 24 July, al-Hilu echoed accusations that the Sudanese government has been pursuing ethnic cleansing policy in South Kordofan.

Haroun, for his part, said that the Sudanese Red Crescent Society handled burial of all victims in accordance with the criminal procedures law.

The NCP official dismissed the possibility of re-holding the elections in South Kordofan. “Re-holding elections in South Kordofan is a medicine that it unavailable in our pharmacies,” he added.

Haroun said that the doors for dialogue would remain open but their swords would remain unsheathed.

In a related development, Haroun stressed that there is no intention to setup refugee camps in South Kordofan, claiming that 80 percent of the internally displaced people have returned to their homes.

More than 72,000 people have been displaced since South Kordofan violence erupted, according to UN estimates.


South Sudan: the learning begins

Posted: July 27, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Education

With independence achieved, South Sudan’s government has its sights set on the 2 million children who do not attend school

MDG : South Sudan independence celebrations

Independence celebrations in South Sudan earlier this month. Education provision is a priority for the new country. Photograph: Phil Moore/AFP/Getty Images

Being educated during the country’s civil war was almost impossible. But Victoria Maja wanted to become a doctor, and in order to do so she had to leave South Sudan and live and study in the north. She was one of the lucky ones.

Despite the fact that Maja had to face discrimination because of her ethnicity, she was one of the few South Sudanese of her generation who graduated from university.

“I studied medicine and was shocked to find that I graduated at the bottom of my class because I was treated as a black African who could not pass examinations. I couldn’t practice medicine then because I couldn’t be registered,” Maja says.

So she and her husband fled to Egypt in 2000 and later to Australia, where she was able to practice medicine after completing a bridging course.

Now Maja wants to return home and help build her newly independent country. And she understands that one of the ways to do this is to ensure that others get an education too. Because those who remained behind have not been as lucky as her. South Sudan has three generations of children who have never seen the inside of a classroom. According to Dr Michael Hussein, the minister for general education, the education sector suffered most during the civil war.

“Teachers were neglected, salaries were not regular, there was no training, and many fled the war-torn areas. As a result, three generations lost the opportunity to go to school,” says the minister.

The issue of education in South Sudan is so critical that most leaders are calling on the youth to go back to school.

Lieutenant General Daniel Akot, the deputy speaker of the national assembly, is calling on his colleagues to pass relevant laws that will make it possible for all South Sudanese children to access education. “We have won the war with our enemy. Now the real war of fighting poverty, ignorance and hunger has started. We can’t achieve this when our children don’t go to school,” he says.

Hussein is urging the government to dedicate at least 20% of its national budget to his ministry. He said his ministry wants to build 6,000 primary and 3,000 secondary schools.

“We have some areas that have 120 pupils per teacher, making learning impossible. One textbook is being shared among five pupils. We want to recruit many teachers, train more of them. We welcome those of our citizens who fled the country and (were educated) around the world to come back and bridge the big gap of a lack of personnel,” says Hussein.

Hussein says that by the end of 2010, South Sudan had 169 pre-primary schools with 47,266 pupils and 1,249 teachers. There are 3,195 primary schools with 1.3 million pupils and 2,912 teachers. And there are 168 secondary schools with 34,487 students and three functional teacher-training colleges with 2,310 trainees

But there remain about 2 million young South Sudanese who have not attended school, against an acute shortage of teachers. The government is working with its neighbours, such as Kenya, to provide it with teachers. Kenya has more than 70,000 unemployed trained teachers.

The minister says that since 2005 the government has developed its own system of education: an 8-4-4 system that requires learners to finish eight years at primary school, four at secondary school and four at university.

“We have developed a system that is inclusive and expansive to make sure that every child accesses basic education, which is a fundamental human right. We are also employing female teachers to act as role models to young girls so that many of them can go to school,” says the minister.

The ministry is also providing special education and technical training for those older than school-going age.

“We realise that those who missed out on education [should] get a second chance. We are offering alternative education to them. Those who are 18 years and above [attend] school for four years and sit [for] primary examinations. Those who pass join secondary schools and those who don’t join technical colleges. So far, we have 5,753 pupils in this programme,” Hussein says.

Kathy Kamphoefner, the South Sudanese secretariat co-ordinator for the non-governmental Human Rights Forum, says 90% of the people who live in rural areas are illiterate and has called on the government to prioritise education so that the country can realise meaningful development.

“Most of the communities lack basic needs and it will require a lot of time to change their way of thinking so that they can go to school. The government should also improve the infrastructure to open up the rural areas that cannot be reached during the rainy season so that sponsors can build schools in those areas,” Kamphoefner says.

Professor Matthew Udo, the undersecretary in the ministry of co-operative and rural development, is urging the youth to go to school and form unions in rural areas. He wants them to embrace agriculture as a form of employment and food provision.

His sentiments are echoed by Rebecca Garang, the widow of the late vice-president of South Sudan, Dr John Garang. She has started her own school

“I have lived through many years of war and I know that it is only through education that our society can grow. The government should make sure that all its resources are geared towards fighting ignorance,” she says.

By Mustafa Ashour _ Doha
The month of June was very significant for Muslims in Southern Sudan. One of the prominent Muslim leaders Sheikh Fuad was taken from home by SPLA gun men on 19 May and reported dead just before South Sudan declared its independence on the 9th of July. The same month the son of the first president of the new sate converted to Islam.
Although Africa in general and the Sudan, specially the Southern part of it  is well known and there is ample information available for most readers, but still many do have enough knowledge about the nature of the ethnic, tribal and religious formations. Little is known about the Muslims population in Southern Sudan and this attributed by analyst in addition to their religious affiliation also to Muslim in Southern Sudan mostly in the ranks of the opposition for political regimes.
Christianity is most prevalent among the inhabitants of the states of Equatorial: the Madi, Moru, Azande, and Bari. The major churches in the Sudan are the Roman Catholic, the Anglican (represented by the Episcopal Church of the Sudan) and the Presbyterian. The Dinka person, the largest of the Nilotic tribes is largely Anglican, and the Nuer, the second largest, Presbyterian. The Coptic Orthodox Church’s influence is also still present in Sudan. Southern Sudanese communities might include a few Christians, but the rituals and world view of this part of Sudan are dissimilar to those of Western Christianity. The few communities that had formed around Western missions had disappeared with the dissolution of the missions in 1964.
Recent census shows pagans are the majority of the population in the new state, about (65%), followed by Muslims (18%) and Christians (17%). However, Christians managed with the help of internal and external forces to form what can be called a “new state identity in the South.”
Sufism in South Sudan
Southern Sudan historically views Islam as a threat – in Mahdist times as a military conqueror, and in more modern times (i.e. from the regime of President Aboud, Nimery and Bashir) as a source of intolerance, extremism and Jihad. Hitherto, the Purpose of spreading Islam was not made clear and the mission is always confused with politics. Consequently, social Islam disappeared and political Islam promoted particularly with the implementation of Nimery’s Sharia law, and the Jihad against South Sudan by the National salvation government.
The Islamic movement managed in seventies to open Juba University in Southern Sudan and this facilitated its work with the youth and students during that time despite of all the hurdles and ambiguities in presenting Islamic beliefs and ideologies to the southerners.
It is noted that the Islamic movement in southern Sudan found from the beginning  faced with a group of contradictions imposed on it, and the political and social contexts impose them choose the path of caution in their movements and visions. The movement is no doubt influenced by the North Sudanese with respect to ideas and organizations, but some of, not to mention the symbols and related issues of identity and religion.
On the other hand, the Islamic Movement finds itself unable to extract itself from its environment and, exacerbated by the attitude of large sections of the South of the policies of the North and their sense of injustice. However the presence of the movement contributed to the existence of the Islamic movement in southern Sudan is due to the peculiar social formation in Southern Sudan i.e.  because of the composition of the social, cultural, and diversity of religious believers within the tribe , but in one house, where there are Muslim and pagan and Christian, all this created a state of tolerance and coexistence between the social components despite of differences in the religions.
Sufism in South Sudan
Islam made its deepest and longest lasting impact in Sudan through the activity of the Islamic religious brotherhoods or orders.The orders first came to Sudan in the sixteenth century and became significant in the eighteenth. Sufism seeks for its adherents a closer personal relationship with God through special spiritual disciplines.
The oldest and most widespread of the turuq is the Qadiriyah founded by Abd al Qadir al Jilani in Baghdad in the twelfth century and introduced into Sudan in the sixteenth. The Qadiriyah’s principal rival and the largest tariqa in the western part of the country was the Tijaniyah, a sect begun by Ahmad at Tijani in Morocco, which eventually penetrated Sudan in about 1810 via the western Sahel. Many Tijani became influential in Darfur, and other adherents settled in northern Kurdufan and also in Southern Sudan.
Sufism leaders in the new state were aware of the importance of politics in shaping people’s lives joined the SPLA and played a leading role in the political activities going on in South Sudan.
‘Salfeya’ in South Sudan
The researcher, “Mohammed Al-Khalifa Siddiq” in his paper for the Salafism in the South, wrote about the emergence of this trend, which began in the seventies of the twentieth century and is associated with the current group Ansar al-Sunna, which is led by Dr “Ismail al-Mahi,”
In an interview Islam online .net conducted with him confirmed the existence of the role of the Ansar al-Sunna in the south, and stated that southerners are linked intellectually to Ansar al-Sunni in the north and the relations between the two is dated back to the year 1960, when Sheikh, “Ali el- Jack” introduced ideas and visions of Salafism in the south in the region of Bahr el Ghazal in the area inhabited by Dinaka tribes.
Later in 1971, Sheikh Ali el Tom arrived in Malakal town and built a mosque with the support of his in law Mohammed el Jabir who protected him from Sufists groups in the area. Many people from Shuluk tribes joined Sheikh Ali which led to the spread of the salfism ideas in the South.
The paper remarked some differences between salafism in the South and the North and this can be seen in their relation to the non Muslim. The Southern version shows a great deal of tolerance due to the nature of social structure in the south. The South did not turn away from the tradition and those who enter Islam were not obliged  change their names to the Arabic names, which created a state of social harmony observed in South Sudan especially as it coincided with the retention of” network, social relations and tribal, without causing any rupture in the society.
Al Qaeda in South Sudan
 Waleed el Tayeb, a journalist, presented a paper titled “The new comers in South Sudan”. The paper sought to answer the question whether Al Qaeda will penetrate into the new Sothern state and establish a base and cells to carry out its strategies in the neighboring countries. The paper saw this possibility because of the alleged relations between the new state and Israel. Al Qaeda basically views the secession of South Sudan as a conspiracy from Israel and western countries in their efforts to target Islam.
 Again   Al Qaeda thinks that Muslims in the South are under pressure from the Christians missionaries and hence see it is their duty to defend them and protect Muslim minority interest.