Archive for October 19, 2011

ICC asks Malawi to explain failure to arrest Sudan’s President on visit

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan

Sudanese President Al Bashir arrived in South Sudan capital Juba to attand the declaration of independence.

19 October 2011 –

The International Criminal Court (ICC) today requested Malawi to explain its alleged failure to arrest and surrender to the court Sudan’s President Omar Hassan al-Bashir who is wanted on charges of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide.The request follows media reports indicating that Mr. Bashir visited Malawi last Friday, according to a press release issued by the ICC.

The court said a diplomatic note sent its registrar sent to the Malawian embassy in Brussels reminding the country of its legal obligations as a State Party to the Rome Statute, the treaty the established the ICC, and asking for cooperation was not answered. Malawi has until 11 November to submit its observations to the ICC.

The ICC last year issued a second arrest warrant for Mr. Bashir, adding genocide to the list of charges for crimes he has allegedly committed in Sudan’s war-ravaged Darfur region. He had the previous year become the first sitting head of State to be indicted by the Court. States are obliged to arrest him and hand him over to the ICC in the event that he enters their territory.

Under the Rome Statute, States that fail to comply with a request to cooperate with the Court may be referred to the Assembly of States Parties or to the Security Council if the Council had referred the matter to the ICC.

In August last year and May this year, the ICC pre-trial chamber issued three decisions informing the Security Council and the Assembly of States Parties to the Rome Statute about Mr. Bashir’s visits to Kenya, Chad and Djibouti “in order for them to take any measure they may deem appropriate.”

In October and December last year, the judges also issued two decisions requesting Kenya and the Central African Republic (CAR) to inform ICC about any problem which would impede or prevent the arrest and surrender of Mr. Bashir in the event that he visited those countries.

By PaanLuel Wel
Does Fedia Hamdi Deserve a Nobel Prize for bringing about the Arab Spring?
A villain? a hero? Isn’t it ironic that the Arab Spring is closely related to, but never entirely a product of, sexism? Would that young man, Mohamed Bouazizi, have set himself on fire if he were slapped by a policeman instead of a policewoman?
I mean, did he set himself alight because he was slapped or because he was a slapped by a woman?
Dare we credit sexism for the Arab Spring or don’t we even dare to look at that obvious angle? Where are the feminists?
I mean, there are two things that are crying out for our universal condemnation: (1) Arab Spring is sexism and should be condemn by all feminists for perpetuating the stereotype, right? (2) By exchanging one Israeli soldier for thousand plus Palestinians’ prisoners, Israel must be condemned for “excessive use” of prisoners swap, remember the international uproar over the Gaza War? Where are the international human right organizations that were vocal over the Israeli “excessive use” of force over Gaza war?

From the new Did a slap start a revolution? #cnn

And to the millions of young and old Arab citizens across the Arab world, what will they do with/to the old poor woman, Fedia Hamdi, without whose recklessness they won’t have been liberated from autocracy?
I can’t help comparing Fedia Hamdi to Judas Iscariot of Christianity: no Judas, no Christianity; no Fedia Hamdi, no Arab Spring. Yet, ironically, both are condemned to infamy!
Fedia Hamdi, besides or in addition to her alleged slapping, deserved a Nobel Prize for instigating the greatest democratization process the world have ever witnessed, not even President Bush wars achieved that feat!!
Join me in petitioning the Swidish for next year Nobel Peace Prize for Fedia Hamdi, the Aung San Suu Kyi PART TWO. We don’t wanna have this GREAT woman go the Judas Iscariot way: suicide!
Fedia Hamdi’s slap which sparked a revolution ‘didn’t happen’

Hamdi denies driving Mohamed Bouazizi to take his own life, as all charges of striking the Tunisian stallholder are dropped

Fedia Hamdi celebrates after being released from prison last Wednesday.

Fedia Hamdi, the Tunisian market inspector accused of hitting Mohamed Bouazizi, celebrates after being released from prison last Wednesday. Photograph: Andy Hall/AFP

It was the slap that started a revolution. When the Tunisian street trader Mohamed Bouazizi, 26, was slapped in the face by a female municipal inspector last December, he burned himself alive in protest and sparked a wave of anti-government riots that engulfed the Arab world.

From the new Did a slap start a revolution? #cnn or false? The woman at the centre of the controversy has now denied hitting Bouazizi and claims she was wrongly imprisoned for four months. Fedia Hamdi, 46, who has not spoken publicly about the incident until now, told the Observer that she had been used as a political pawn by the former Tunisian president, Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali. “I feel I was a scapegoat,” she said. “I feel there has been a grave injustice and it hurts me to think that no one wanted to listen to my story.”

After 111 days of incarceration, Hamdi was freed by a tribunal in her hometown of Sidi Bouzid last Tuesday after defence lawyers demolished the case against her. Hamdi was found innocent of all charges when it emerged in court that only a single person claimed to have seen the slap – a fellow street trader who bore a grudge against her – while four new witnesses testified that there had been no physical confrontation.

“I would never have hit him [Bouazizi],” Hamdi said, speaking from her parents’ home in Meknassy, approximately 50km from Sidi Bouzid where the alleged incident took place. “It was impossible because I am a woman, first of all, and I live in a traditionally Arab community which bans a woman from hitting a man. And, secondly, I was frightened … I was only doing my job.”

The tale of Bouazizi’s self-immolation rapidly became the stuff of legend in the early days of the jasmine revolution. It was reported in media outlets across the globe that Bouazizi, a fruit and vegetable seller, had set up his stall as usual on the morning of 17 December in the central Tunisian town of Sidi Bouzid.

At about 11.30am Hamdi, accompanied by another municipal official, approached the market trader to insist that the regulations did not allow him to sell his wares without a permit. It was reported at the time that Hamdi confiscated Bouazizi’s electronic scales and his cart when he refused to pay a bribe. When he became agitated, it was alleged that she slapped him across the face. Hamdi, who is unmarried and has no children, denies this.

What is indisputable is that when Bouazizi tried to retrieve his cart from the police station, he was turned away. He then asked to see the local governor, but was also refused entry. At about 1pm he set himself alight. He later died of his injuries in hospital.

Within hours of Bouazizi burning himself alive, a crowd of 4,000 people had gathered in Sidi Bouzid to protest against his public humiliation. For many, Bouazizi’s death became a potent symbol of an ordinary individual who struggled to make a living under President Ben Ali’s corrupt regime. It was the spark that ignited a series of revolutions across the Arab world – most notably in Egypt, Yemen and Libya.

But for Hamdi, the reality was rather different. “I was just doing my job,” she says now, sitting in a large front room surrounded by her seven siblings and elderly parents. “The only thing I was trying to do that day was to apply the law and the law doesn’t allow market traders to go in a public zone. When I asked him to leave, he refused and he grabbed hold of my hand, hurting my finger. He was angry with me, so I let it go, but as a penalty I confiscated some of his bananas and peppers and gave them to a charitable association… Afterwards, I went back to my work and then I went home at 1pm and I didn’t do anything else.”

According to Hamdi, Bouazizi was “hysterical” when she left him. “He was almost unaware of what he was doing.” One resident of Sidi Bouzid, speaking on condition of anonymity, claimed that Bouazizi poured petrol on himself “as a threat. He didn’t mean to kill himself”. Several of Hamdi’s colleagues, some of whom set up a Facebook group to campaign for her release, suggest Bouazizi set himself on fire by accident while lighting a cigarette.

Whatever the truth of the incident, in the days after Bouazizi’s self-immolation, the atmosphere in Sidi Bouzid was extremely unstable. President Ben Ali, wishing to avert any further protest, ordered Hamdi’s detention on 28 December. She was kept under house arrest for three days before being taken to a civil prison in the town of Gafsa, 50km away. Hamdi was put in a group cell with other prisoners.

As the revolution raged beyond her cell door and Ben Ali fled to Saudi Arabia to the jubilation of the Tunisian people, Hamdi refused to reveal her identity for a month for fear of reprisal.

“I was so scared,” says Hamdi, tears falling down her cheeks. “And it made me sick to my heart that everyone refused to listen … I felt I was facing so much injustice.”

Who does she blame? “The media – for me, that is the root of the problem. Not so much the Tunisian media, because they came under pressure from the government, but the reaction of the international media shocked me because they have a reputation for honesty.” Does she feel anger towards the former president for his actions? “Of course,” she says. “Like the rest of the Tunisian people.”

In prison, Hamdi went on hunger strike for 15 days until doctors intervened. She remains traumatised by her experience, her hands tremble and she walks with a stoop. She has not been able to sleep since her release and finds eating difficult.

“It’s true that I have suffered,” she says. “But my family and my colleagues suffered much more because they were rejected by the community. They tried to tell their story but no one would listen … In prison, I missed my family so much. When I saw them again after I was freed, I felt newborn. I feel so thankful.”

In spite of all that she has been through, Hamdi insists she welcomes the deposition of the former president and her part in his downfall. “I am happy about the revolution,” she says. “I am a religious woman. All that happened was so hard, but it was my destiny and I am proud of my destiny. It was given to me by God.” As for the Bouazizi family, who continue to revere their son as a martyr: “I do not want to talk about this family any more. I want to move on.”

Does she eventually want to return to work? “Yes, absolutely,” she replies. “I’m convinced that justice is important. We should all believe in the law.”

The full version of Elizabeth Day’s dispatch from Tunisia will appear in the Observer magazine in a forthcoming issue.

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Sudan to Cut Spending, Raise Revenue After South’s Secession

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan

By Salma El Wardany – Oct 19, 2011 4:11 AM ET

Sudan plans to cut government spending and expand the nation’s tax base to make up for the secession of oil-rich South Sudan, President Umar al-Bashir said.

“Secession of the south created a gap in Sudan’s trade balance,” al-Bashir said today in a speech at the opening of a conference on the economy held by his ruling National Congress Party. “We want to increase our revenues without levying more taxes on citizens, and that will come by curbing government spending and expanding the tax base by 2012.”

Sudan lost three-quarters of its oil production, the third- biggest output in sub-Saharan Africa, when South Sudan gained independence on July 9. Protests were held in September and this month against the rising cost of living and worsening economic conditions.

Sudan’s annual inflation rate stood at almost 21 percent last month, the Khartoum-based Central Bureau of Statistics said on Oct. 7.

“We want to focus on economic stability to attract investors,” al-Bashir said. “We want to find a way out of the economic crisis in Sudan and elsewhere” that was due to the failure of a capitalist system that “is against God’s will.”

Al-Bashir announced on Oct. 12 that Sudan planned to draft an Islamic constitution, enshrining Sharia as the main source of Sudanese law.

To contact the reporter on this story: Salma El Wardany in Khartoum at

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Antony Sguazzin at

Remembering Bishop Daniel Zindo (October 20, 2011)!

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Socio-Cultural

Today is another milestone in my life and the in life of my siblings. It’s the 13th Anniversary Day as we commemorate the death of our beloved father, The late Bishop Daniel Zindo (1942-1998), then Acting Archbishop of the Anglican/Episcopalian Church in Sudan.
It was on the morning of October 20, 1998 as he left Nairobi Kenya in his official car to drive to Kampala Uganda, that he met his tragic death along Waiyaki Way in Nairobi, outside the Communication Commission of Kenya (CCK). The 3 other occupants with him in the car including the driver escaped unhurt while he died instantly.
On that fateful day in our pain and anguish as we mourned him and the subsequent days, we accepted in good faith that the Lord had relieved him of his duties on earth and promoted him to join the ranks of great people who are today resting in glory and enjoying life with God Almighty. On this day my siblings and I continue to thank God for Bishop Daniel Zindo’s life and we remember him before God on this 13th Anniversary of his death as a dedicated servant of God who served the Lord diligently to the end.  He kept the faith, fought the good fight and finished the race.
His death came just 11 months after our beloved mother Grace Zindo was shot dead in South Sudan On November 27, 1997 and together we celebrate their lives on this day. On this day, I want to thank our family friends around the world who supported us at the time and those who have supported me until today. I say “may God bless you all” and to the departed ones I say “may God continue to be kind to you and may he continue to grant you peace until we meet again”.
Thanks and Kind Regards
Manasseh Zindo
Sudan mourns a fearless Anglican Archbishop

By Manasseh Zindo

Sudan Tribune: September 19, 2009 — Sudan is mourning the death of her Third Anglican Archbishop who succumbed to his to illness on Friday September 18, 2009 in the Sudanese capital Khartoum. Sadness greeted me this morning when I was woken by a phone call to be informed that the Most Revd Joseph Biringi Marona is dead. I immediately called the current Archbishop Daniel Deng who confirmed that Marona was no more. His body will be flown from Khartoum to Juba, the headquarter of Episcopal Church of Sudan (ECS) where he will be laid to rest alongside his predecessors.

I cannot account my emotion without remembering October 20, 1998 when my late father was taken from us in a cruel, road carnage. Retired Archbishop Marona, 68, and my later father Daniel Zindo were known as twin bishops when they were consecrated in 1984 by the first Archbishop of Sudan The Most Revd Elinana J Ngalamu. I remember the colourful ceremony very well in Yambio. They were first consecrated in Maridi Cathedral where Marona would later become the first Bishop. My father was then enthroned as the second bishop of Yambio replacing the late Bishop Yeremaya Datiro who died in 1983.

My siblings and I would from the 1984 onward acquaint ourselves with Marona and Mama Eunice his wife. We would welcome them to Yambio frequently and they would reciprocate in Maridi. The twin hypothesis of Marona and Daniel Zindo was that they were nearly age mate, born in 1941 and 1942 respectively of parents who did know each other. The two men at some stage attended missionary school in Yambio in the 1950’s but the Lord would bring them together as the youngest priests to be consecrated bishops at 42 (Zindo) and 43 (Marona).

Archbishop Marona was loved in Yambio as he was in his own Diocese and he knew almost every priest in Yambio by name. When the civil war broke out in Western Equatoria the twin bishops were all away in Khartoum where they were confined but they Lord would one year later after the liberation of Yambio reunite them with their families in exile as Maridi became a bloody town where thousands of people were killed as the well equipped government forces resisted incursion by the rebel Sudan Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA).

Marona’s family had fled to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 1990 while we went to Central Africa Republic (CAR). In 1993 Bishop Zindo returned from exile to work in the SPLA controlled area, his twin brother in the Lord followed him and back again they were in full control of their respective Dioceses. As it is commonly the case in leadership Marona and Zindo had to deal with bitter rivals from within their own clergy who felt they were short-changed when the two men were transparently elected bishops. Because of these enmities Zindo would later survive death attempts on his life including a well calculated car crash in the 1985 which he survived as his time was yet to come.

The two newly consecrated bishops were to encounter tougher times ahead when ECS was plunged into leadership crisis with Marona and Zindo standing by the newly and constitutionally elected Archbishop of ECS, His Grace Benjamin Wani Yugusuk who was recognised by the worldwide Anglican body as the primate of Sudan. The crisis emanated because the first Archbishop of Sudan His Grace Elinana Ngalamu did not accept his retirement and went on to consecrate rival bishops in each Diocese. It was difficult time for the ECS as I saw it.

Back to the twin bishops. In 1994 Zindo who was until then the Dean of ECS and Archbishop Yugusuk with Marona as the Secretary of the Episcopal Council managed to work out a modality that recognised the bishops consecrated unconstitutionally and ECS was once again reunited. In the same year, renowned Catholic bishop of Torit Paride Taban stepped down as chairman of the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC), and Zindo was elected the new chair. He stepped down after his three term in office expired to assume his new role as the Acting Archbishop of ECS following the retirement of Archbishop Benjamin Yugusuk.

The story of Zindo and Marona resemble that of American tennis stars and twin sisters Serena and Venus Williams who once in a while are called to face each other in their quest for supremacy in tennis. Zindo and Marona faced each other in 1984 as well when they were consecrated assistant bishops under Yambio Diocese where there was a vacant, and one of them had to become Diocesan bishop. In the contest Zindo was elevated the Diocesan Bishop and Marona was his assistant until Maridi became a full-fledged Diocese.

Following Zindo’s departure at the helm of NSCC in 1997, Marona replaced him as the chairman and also served his three term in office. When Zindo suddenly died in a car crash, Marona replaced him as Dean and acting Archbishop until his election as the third Archbishop of ECS in bitterly contested election as we saw it in Limuru Kenya in 2000. Marona emerged and defeated his closest challenger Bishop Michael Lugor of Rajaf Diocese.

I met Marona many times and remember him very fondly that I do not know which occasion to account for but the most exciting encounter for us was in 1999. I was in London and Archbishop Marona was in the UK, he was travelling from Salisbury Diocese to meet Archbishop George Carry of Canterbury at the Lambeth Palace, and there was no body to receive him on arrival. Canon Andrew Deuchar then Secretary for Anglican Affairs at the Lambeth Palace asked me if I could receive Marona at Waterloo Station and take him over to the Palace. I accepted and was driven to the nearby Waterloo station. Marona arrived, looked around and started walking towards the exit; I don’t know where he was going, probably to take a taxi to the Palace. I approached him and he was amazed to see me, we hugged each other (the Sudanese way) and I look him to the Lambeth Palace.

Although the inevitable was to occur because of his deteriorating health, I did not expect it so soon. I last saw him in Juba in 2005 in poor health and he told me that he would opt for early retirement which he eventually did, and for which I saluted him for the bold decision. In this part of the world of ours, leaders want to cling to power until death but that was not Marona.

When he became the Archbishop in 2000 and accepted to return to Khartoum, it was a bold move too because we feared for his life but he was a fearless man who believed in God. God loved him and has now relieved him from this troubled world. I pray for Mama Eunice and the many children he was fathering. It is my prayer that the Lord will continue to take care of them.

Now that he has been reunited with his twin brother in heaven, I want to pay countless tribute to their reminiscence and exemplary work as bishops. They fought good fight and finished the race, may God reward them for dedicated service as true soldiers of the ministry to which they were called by God.

Manasseh Zindo is a Sudanese Media Personality, currently studying for a Masters Degree in Peace Studies & International Relations in Nairobi Kenya, and son to the late Bishop Daniel Zindo. E-mail:


Plenary raises challenges of making moral choices
by Lisa Barrowclough

The voices of Anglicans speaking out of personal pain quickly brought the plenary on making moral decisions out of the realm of theory. Two presentations and a video offered stark stories
of very human struggles. The session, said plenary coordinator Bishop Victoria Matthews of Edmonton (Canada), sought to “find a way forward for the leaders of the Church.”

Bishop Mano Rumalshah (Peshawar, Pakistan), the first presenter, spoke of deadly dangers that daily face Christians in regions where Islamic teaching is law. Bishop Rumalshah recalled the May 6 death of Roman Catholic Bishop John Joseph. His last word’s were “… in protest
against [the blasphemy law] and other black laws, and in the name of my oppressed Christian people, secularism and democracy, I am taking my life.”

The death generated “acute public debate on the morality of his action, because in common language, what he did is called suicide,” Bishop Rumalshah said.”But is it possible to think of Bishop John laying down his life as an act in the same fashion as that of Jesus? Isn’t this also in keeping with the call, `take up your cross and follow me?”‘ Bishop Rumalshah told of a 15year#old Christian schoolgirl who was accused of insulting the holy prophet of Islam in
her classroom. More than 200 local Muslim clerics signed an oath to kill her.

“With the consent of her family and, perhaps, even her religious leaders, she converted to Islam to save her life,” he said. Two of his parishioners in a part of the diocese where Islamic law is fully enforced were offered a stark choice: to be converted to Islam and accepted as a lawful husband and wife, or to be tried under an adultery ordinance and be liable to capital punishment. They became Muslims.

“In both these cases, there is a deep sense of guilt and remorse, and even spiritual strain,” Bishop Rumalshah said. “In these situations of apparent apostasy, what needs to be our moral and pastoral responsibility?” Conversely, Christian converts are legally disinherited of all possessions and ostracised for the rest of their lives.There are rumours of a proposal to make both the baptiser and the baptised liable for prosecution under the draconian blasphemy law, which usually means death.

“Should we be encouraging public baptisms of those converting from Islam in such a climate? Or do we make `secret believers’–a choice I once ridiculed, but now I am struggling to accept,” he said. “As always, what we need are new signposts for our generation which are applicable in our respective contexts.”

Violence as a way of life
Bishop Daniel Zindo (Yambio, Sudan) brought many in the room to tears with his story of how murderous violence erupted in his home. “Here was our son#in#law who rebelled against us and killed my wife Grace Zindo, our son Yoane Khalifa, and then 30 minutes later killed himself too!” he said, as gasps echoed in the room. Minutes before the violence erupted the bishop had left to make a pastoral call.

Bishop Zindo placed his story in the context of the culture of violence created by 32 years of civil war, a culture in which a God of peace can quickly seem irrelevant. “Killing human beings . . . has become a game of interest only,” he said. Personal and social violence are profoundly related. Violence in a society,”because it rises in the human heart, so easily finds a way of becoming violence in our own homes.” He asked, “How does one raise children and grandchildren who have witnessed killing and suicide to believe in a God who seeks peace, and our Lord who is our peace? How does one proclaim the good news of God’s love to our own families—let alone to a society—who have experienced first hand a culture of violence?”

In the video, prepared by Trinity Parish, Wall Street (New York), actors related the stories of 10 unnamed people who have confronted difficult personal dilemmas.

“My ancestors lived here long before the English and French came to our shores,” began the story of a native Canadian. “We lost our land and rivers, some say we even lost our souls. “The missionaries said we must not follow our own spiritual traditions but must worship their God. `The white man brought the Bible, but we got the church.’ Our culture vanished, and we were left with nothing.The government has apologised and offered compensation, but for many of us the question remains, “Who am I?”

The narrator asked, “As bishops, can we stand alongside cultures within our culture?” A woman said, “My husband and I once served as missionaries in the Far East. Today we live with a baby girl we adopted from an orphanage in Beijing. “The orphanages in China are filled with hundreds of thousands of female children. When they become teenagers these girls are forced to live on their own as peasants or prostitutes. My mind is seared by the memory of our arrival at the orphanage, a group of girls aged 7 to 10, smiling, laughing, waving to us from a balcony. Hours later, departing with a six#month#old cradled in my arms, the same girls stood by …in silence.”

The narrator asked, “As bishops, are we able to provide leadership?” A gay man living openly with a partner sings in the choir of his parish church but does not feel welcome. He senses that some parishioners wish he would go away, “that a man who does not conceal his sexual preference, who might ask a blessing upon our union, the love we share, does not belong in their church.”

But a priest feels called to counsel gay men to resist their orientation. “`Do not lose heart,’ I counseled them. `Genuine intimacy between two men—without physical contact—is possible.Through prayer, you will find the courage and discipline to share your love, yet be celibate, faithful to one another and to the Church you love.”‘ The narrator asked, “As bishops, what message do we want to send to the gay community?” Other stories raised the issue of AIDS in the context of an African culture that calls for the widow of a man who died of AIDS to marry his brother, who also may be HIV positive, of euthanasia and assisted suicide. Between each of the sets of stories, the video asked, “Will the Church help show the way forward?”

More than a supermarket choice
In an address that prompted rousing applause and a standing ovation from participants, Bishop Rowan Williams (Monmouth, Wales) offered a concluding focus on how the Church could make moral decisions.

He reminded his colleagues that making decisions is not as simple as “being faced with a series of clear alternatives, as if we were standing in front of the supermarket shelf.” Decisions, instead, are “coloured” by the sort of decision#maker. “The choice is not made by a will operating in the abstract, but by someone who is used to thinking and imagining in a certain way.” He referred to the writing of Welsh philosopher Rush Rhees and British Catholic theologian and moralist Herbert McCabe and summarised their points by stating “[it is] not that ethics is a matter of the individual’s likes or dislikes… On the contrary, it is a difficult discovering of something about yourself, a discovering of what has already shaped the person you are and is moulding you in this or that direction.”

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Mbeki Discusses Preparation for the Talks between Sudan and South Sudan

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan

Former South African President, Chairman of the African Panel, Thabo Mbeki arrived in Khartoum yesterday at the head of the high level of the African Union Executive Committee.
Mbeki engaged in discussions with the government on compromise proposals he carried to resolve outstanding issues between the Sudan and South Sudan, in preparation for discussions between the two sides that were expected to begin last Tuesday, but the stall of the technical committees’ talks prevented the departure of the government delegation to Juba.
Mbeki is expected to deliver the compromise proposals to the President of the government Political Committee by, State Minister of the Presidency, Idris Abdulgadir.
Spokesman of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Al-Ebeid Morawah affirmed, in press statements yesterday, that Mbeki will present compromise proposals on outstanding issues between the Sudan and South Sudan, and will seek to prepare for the talks to be held between the (ministerial committees) between the two countries before leaving to Juba.
The Government delegation was scheduled to leave to Juba last Tuesday to complete negotiations on outstanding issues but the technical committees there did not reach an agreement.
Morawah revealed that the departure of the delegation to Juba linked to the creation of progress on the issues addressed by the technical committees.

In Violent Areas of Sudan, Many Finding Refuge in the Hills

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan

By: Larisa Epatko

Fighting in the border areas between North and South Sudan has sent tens of thousands to seek refuge in the Nuba hills of Southern Kordofan as they watch and wait for the violence to end.

In June, violence swept Southern Kordofan when Sudan’s army tried to disarm fighters allied to the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, the ruling party in South Sudan. The conflict took place about a month before South Sudan became an independent country on July 9.

Fighting again surged in September between Northern government forces and the northern branch of the SPLM in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile State.

Aid agencies say an estimated 150,000 people have fled their homes in Southern Kordofan. About 27,500 people have left Blue Nile for refugee camps in neighboring Ethiopia, according to the United Nations.

The bombing has continued, even though frontlines have been established, said Ryan Boyette, who worked for a local nongovernmental organization on agriculture and water drilling projects in Southern Kordofan for several years. When the NGO’s staff left due to the outbreak of violence in June, Boyette chose to stay. He recently visited Washington, D.C., and provided an update on the situation there.

When the fighting started in June, “it was very scary,” he told us. “I lived close to major towns in Nuba, and my wife and I could hear the gunshots; we could see fires started in the town. We didn’t know what was going to happen. The next morning there was bombing in the area with jet fighters.”

Fighting has since concentrated around Kadugli, the capital of Southern Kordofan. And the Sudan People’s Liberation Army has established its own civil administration within areas of Nuba. But in the absence of a peace agreement, the violence has continued, and people who are camped out in the hills are afraid to return home.

“It’s really difficult for the people right now. They don’t know what to do or where to turn. They don’t know if they should walk to South Sudan, which could take weeks,” said Boyette. About 15,000 people have fled to South Sudan as refugees, he added.

It is difficult for humanitarian aid agencies to bring supplies to the area, and stocks are running low in marketplaces. “You can’t buy rice or sorghum or sugar or tea,” Boyette said. “There’s nothing in the market you can get, even something like a bar of soap that you take for granted. So people are dirty, their clothes are dirty, and hygiene and sickness are becoming issues.”

The U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization has warned of a looming food crisis if conditions don’t improve.

According to the agency, Southern Kordofan is one of Sudan’s largest production sites for sorghum, a cereal crop, but people escaping the fighting weren’t able to plant seeds for this year’s harvest, causing prices to double. A small FAO team of national staff are in Southern Kordofan trying to distribute seeds and tools to families in calmer parts.

People are just waiting now, Boyette said, for help from the international community, for ways to get to South Sudan and for the fighting to stop.

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Making Peace in South Sudan, Circa 2011

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan

Posted by Enough Team on Oct 19, 2011

Editor’s Note: Our guest contributor has been doing relief and development work in South Sudan since the mid-1980s. The writer requested anonymity to ensure that the observations and opinions expressed here are not perceived as the view of his employer.

In mid-August news came out from Jonglei state that Murle raiders had attacked Nuer villages, killing 900 people, displacing another 20,000, and stealing 26,000 heads of cattle. Before that, in mid-June, Sudan Tribune had reported a similar attack from the Nuer against the Murle; the newspaper then quoted 600 dead. Back in June, events in these isolated areas did not receive much attention, but in August the U.N. mission decided to intervene. It stationed helicopters in the area for aerial surveillance. But it also sounded out the possibility of peace talks and got from the Murle a straight answer: no peace talks without the presence of Bishop Paride Taban.

[A bit of the backstory on Bishop Taban: In 1983 he became the first bishop of the Catholic diocese of Torit. Under his guidance, the diocese, which covers most of what is now East Equatoria state, became one of the main service providers, especially in education, health, and relief. When he retired in 2004, Bishop Taban founded the Kuron Peace Village in the borderland between Toposa, Murle, Jiee, and Kacipo to promote peaceful co-existance of these groups.]

Sudan scholar Douglas Johnson, in his book The root causes of the civil wars in the Sudan, mentions cattle raids and arms from Khartoum in Jonglei. One example Johnson gives is that within months of the Bor mutiny in 1983, which sparked the second civil war, Khartoum began to arm Ishmael Konye who then and now is the leader of the Murle. And from late 1984 Khartoum also armed the Anyanya 2, among them the Bul Nuer under Paulino Matip’s command. Though the arms were used for cattle raiding as much as for fighting the SPLA, Khartoum achieved its aims of fighting the war by proxy and of suggesting to the outside world that there was no war against the central government but rather internal tribal wars among Southerners. The military interests of Khartoum and the interest of traditional cattle raiders fit together well during the whole war and beyond.

Fast forward 30 years to today. Paulino Matip lives in a vast compound behind 10-foot high walls in the center of Juba, and Ishmael Konye too probably spends most of his time now in the capital city. Whatever they are up to now, there are surely people in their home areas who would like to imitate them.

For the Murle to kill hundreds of people and to steal thousands of cattle from the Nuer in August, or for the Nuer to do the same to the Murle in June—these are big military campaigns. These are not just a bunch of hot-headed cattle raiders. Tribal authorities are necessary to mobilize such a large force. And there must be an external supplier of the necessary ammunition who also has the means to get it to this isolated area where the roads are impassable during the rainy season.

Perhaps Khartoum is once again supplying the ammunition. If so, then Khartoum will supply it to one or at most two local figures that it wants to build up. If over the years such a figure becomes too powerful or embarrassing (as may have happened most recently with Joseph Kony of the Lord’s Resistance Army), Khartoum can drop such a figure and start to boost someone else again. This state of affairs will likely continue as long as Khartoum wages war in the border areas and thus fears South Sudan’s involvement.

In these traditional areas there are so many cattle raiders that, given a sufficient supply of ammunition, it is unlikely that U.N. peacekeepers, a police force, or even an SPLA detachment would be able to control the situation, however well trained and equipped they are.

In early September the deputy speaker of the East Equatoria parliament organized a funeral for his 14-year-old daughter who had died a few weeks earlier. To paraphrase the deputy speaker’s remarks:

[A]ll the violence happening on our roads is a shame to us as if we cannot get our house in order now that we are independent. But for those in Jonglei there is even more shame in view of the cattle raiding and killing going on there. Now the Murle have said they cannot talk peace if Bishop Taban is not witnessing it. I am proud to belong to the same church as Taban because he is trusted so much. Let us follow in the footsteps of Taban.

Perhaps this suggests what is possible for the different actors. Just like the deputy speaker said, the political elite should feel it is a shame that Southern Sudanese are set up to oppose each other,  especially at this time when people feel united in independence. As Bishop Taban advocates, the cycle of revenge must be interrupted, and some development for the most isolated areas and ethnic groups must be promoted, so that potential cattle raiders can see that wealth does not have to be stolen but can also be created, provided there is peace.

But all of this is, of course, easier said than done.

Photo: A Mundari cattle keeper guards his herd (IRIN)

South Sudan Job Vacancy; oct 26, 2011

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Jobs

Please directly contact the employer if you have any further questions.To anyone of interest, please circulate the following job vacancies:
International Medical Corps is looking for a South Sudanese national to fill
the position of Programme Assistant based in Juba as per the required
qualifications and skills mentioned in the attached advert.All interested applicants are encouraged to apply by sending a Cover
Letter,copies of certificates and CV to OR hand delivery to IMC Office-Juba
at Nimra Talata Residential Area,Near Juba Basketball stadium .The deadline
for submission is 2 Nov 2011.
International Rescue Committee – South Sudan is looking for suitable South
Sudanese nationals for the following positions.

1. Health Officer (Malualkon)
2. Construction Officer (Malualkon)

Please refer to the attached advert for detailed job descriptions / position
requirements. Applications can be sent by or before the closing date i.e.
November,10, 2011 to with position title
clearly mentioned in the subject line. Malualkon applications can also be
hand delivered at IRC`s office in Malualkon (Aweil East, Northern

Please note that scanned copies of supporting documents are not required to
be submitted at this stage, and no phone calls for follow up please.
Event Coordinator CIGI

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Event Coordinator

Reporting to the Community Relations and Events Manager, the Event Coordinator will assist with the planning and execution of CIGI’s conferences, workshops and public events, with specific responsibility for all internal meetings and internal travel logistics. The Event Coordinator will also handle inquiries and bookings for CIGI’s new Auditorium.

Key Responsibilities and Duties:

  • Handle all internal global travel logistics including air, hotel and ground transportation for CIGI personnel;
  • Ensure the preparation and execution of all internal meetings, including catering, both on and off-site;
  • Responsible for the Auditorium booking process including coordination with our CIGI Campus partners and various external requests;
  • Act as a logistics point person for one of CIGI’s annual signature conferences;
  • Work with other departments on the planning and implementation of event details and plans;
  • Assist with the ongoing development of procedures and templates to streamline the event communication processes;
  • Update the events pages of CIGI’s internal and external websites;
  • Prepare communication materials such as itineraries or Order of Events prior to each event;
  • Assist with public events including logistical contact with speakers, coordinating lecture programming, speaker release forms, and updating outreach materials;
  • Establish and maintain controls to ensure the integrity and CIGI brand of each event

Knowledge, Skills and Abilities:

  • Experience in planning, organizing and implementing both small and large scale events;
  • Experience in booking global travel;
  • Strong interpersonal and communication skills and the ability to work effectively with a wide range of constituencies in a diverse community;
  • Demonstrated project management skills;
  • Must be extremely organized, able to handle multiple projects in a fast-paced environment, meet deadlines and establish good working relationships with internal and external contacts;
  • Knowledge of the proper protocols (such as titles and honorifics) for addressing various constituents;
  • Good problem solving skills and works well under pressure;
  • Proficient in the use of MS office and internet applications;
  • Experience in updating and maintaining event websites is an asset;
  • Knowledge of international governance issues and previous experience in the non-profit sector is an asset.


  • Minimum 2-3 years event planning experience
  • Related post-secondary degree or diploma (travel, events management, public relations)
  • Must be flexible to work occasional hours outside of regular business hours, which includes some evenings and weekends
  • Other related certifications such as Meeting Planners Certification an asset
  • Must have own transportation
  • Working knowledge of another language, preferably French or Spanish would be an asset

Interested applicants are invited to send a cover letter and resume along with salary expectations to We appreciate all candidates’ applications but only those selected for an interview will be contacted.

Please directly contact the employer if you have any further questions.

To anyone of interest, please circulate the following job vacancies:

FHI 360 seeks Country Director in South Sudan

South Sudan County Director Position.pdf

Please directly contact the employer if you have any further questions.

To anyone of interest, please circulate the following job vacancies:

SLAGE is a non-profit organization that is running a women Entrepreneurship project in South Sudan, we are looking for part-time coordinators & project managers. attached are more details, please circulate as usual.

Reec Akuak

The Southern Sudanese Community
Advocating — Mentoring — Nurturing

202.656.TSSC (8772)
Direct/Cell: 202.596.6009
Fax: 202.280.1007

Women Entreprenuership Coordinators.docx
Juba women education project.docx

South Sudan aims to weed out ‘rogue’ staff in ministries

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Economy


JUBA — South Sudan’s new government is to screen ministries to try to weed out “rogue” employees who account for up to 65 percent of the civil service workforce, an official said on Wednesday.

The labour and public services ministry sent a letter to ministries last week on public sector reform that puts deputy ministers at the head of committees to screen all employees, Deputy Information Minister Atem Yaak told reporters.

“One of the ministers here was talking about 65 percent of the workforce being unqualified,” with most of them not on permanent pay, Yaak said.

The 2011 budget has allocated 2.43 billion South Sudanese pounds (around $820 million at the official exchange rates) on government salaries, which represents 42 percent of total spending.

“Salaries are very high by developing countries’ standards. It’s very expensive to maintain this bureaucracy,” Yaak said. “There is a lot of incompetence” and nepotism.

South Sudan seceded from the north in July after decades of civil war that left the country in ruins and only 16 percent of people literate, according to the education ministry.

The labour and public services ministry has been cracking down on ghost employees, and it nabbed 21 people “in senior positions” with fake certificates last month alone.

“There are more. I have a feeling that some could be in their thousands,” Yaak said.

A pension law is one of the many tasks that the fledgling nation is working on, but until then, Yaak said that senior citizens were lingering in ministries.

He said the “spirit of reconciliation” in a nation that spent decades fighting for its freedom has led to a bloated public payroll.

President Salva Kiir has pledged to cut back on the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), which opposition party leader Lam Akol says still takes up 40 percent of the peacetime budget.

The lack of infrastructure and a strong private sector leaves the government as by far the biggest employer.

Kiir has also repeatedly vowed to crack down on rampant corruption that is seen as the country’s major stumbling block to development.

South Sudan’s National Bureau of Statistics on Tuesday reported a 61.5-percent leap in inflation in September, compared to the same month of 2010.

Yaak pins hopes on public sector reform. “The process needs a lot of work. We need honest people who are trained. What was the point of becoming independent if we can’t put our house in order?” he asked.

Speaker reshuffles South Sudan Parliamentary committees

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan

South Sudan President Salva Kiir. The country has reshuffled Parliamentary committees to accommodate members who represented her in Khartoum. FILE | AFRICA REVIEW  |
By MACHEL AMOS in JubaPosted Wednesday, October 19  2011 at  10:19
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South Sudan has reshuffled the chairpersons and deputies of National Assembly standing committees in a reconstitution exercise meant to accommodate members who represented the country in Khartoum prior to Juba’s independence.

The 96 members who were representing the country in Khartoum would be incorporated into the new country’s Parliament.

The Speaker of the National Assembly, Mr James Wani Igga, declared 36 positions of chairpersons and deputies vacant on Monday, pending another selection.

About 66 legislators were appointed into the 332-member Parliament by President Salva Kiir to represent civil society, private sector as other political parties also sought representation on Tuesday.
“Actually we must be fair than just, and this is why we went to the bush – the absence of justice and fairness and therefore marginalisation,” Mr Igga said.

“So based on this, and based on just consultation at this moment, we have agreed … the other parties, including SPLMDC which is not in the government, put together will take 8 per cent of the seats. This means they will have three,” he added.

As the rush for seats became so steep in a country that is struggling to forge unity among its diverse ethnic backgrounds, the assembly leadership decided to expand the number of standing specialised committees.

However, the move was thwarted by legislators who argued that creating too many political posts would drain cash that should instead be used for service delivery.
“We wanted to enlarge it so that they fit in. They don’t want enlargement. So it is their choice,” deputy Speaker Daniel Awet Akot said.
“If they grumble, we will say we foresaw it that, add more as the Constitution has said,” Mr Akot added.

South Sudan to Clean Up Civil Service, Oust Unqualified Workers

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan

By Jared Ferrie

Oct. 19 (Bloomberg) — Sixty-five percent of South Sudan’s state workers may have falsified their credentials or be unqualified, and the government has started a campaign to root them out, Deputy Information Minister Atem Yaak Atem said.

Many state workers got their jobs through family connections, while others presented forged documents claiming false educational credentials, Atem said today in an interview in Juba, capital of newly independent South Sudan. The public sector, he said, is “in shambles.”

“There are a lot of people with degrees that haven’t even completed high school,” he said. “Some of us will go to extra lengths and send an e-mail to that institution, and if the answer is no, the next thing is to prosecute that person, because this is fraud.”

South Sudan plans to spend about 42 percent of its almost $2 billion budget this year on salaries. President Salva Kiir has vowed to fight corruption and increase transparency. The country gained control of about 75 percent of Sudan’s oil production when it seceded in July. Kiir has promised to force government officials to publish details of their finances and to regulate land sales.

The Ministry of Labour and Public Service has found 21 of its senior staff members who held forged academic documents, Atem said.

“I have a feeling they could be in the thousands,” he said, referring to all ministries. “For this job I think I will need a bodyguard. Some people will be very angry if we take drastic measures.”

Atem said government ministries received a letter last week ordering them to begin the screening process on civil servants. Each ministry must set up a committee chaired by deputy ministers.

The government said this month it is implementing monthly cash limits for spending agencies. Further steps effective from next month include controls over payments to vendors and the signing of government contracts.

–Editors: Karl Maier, Ben Holland

To contact the reporter on this story: Jared Ferrie in Juba, South Sudan, at

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Antony Sguazzin at

Civilians are targets in Sudan’s new civil war

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan

Jared Ferrie

Oct 19, 2011
Hawa Jundi and her children are among the people who fled their villages in Blue Nile state after strikes by government bombers.

Hawa Jundi and her children are among the people who fled their villages in Blue Nile state after strikes by government bombers.

KURMUK, SUDAN // Anyone who assumed the birth of an independent South Sudan would end the cycle of violence that has plagued Sudan since its inception needs only to venture into the frontier that now divides what was once Africa’s largest nation.

In Blue Nile state, just north of the border, the south’s secession has spawned a new conflict that threatens to plunge the north into another long and bitter civil war.

In Blue Nile, desperate villagers have fled their cone-shaped huts of mud and thatch to escape almost daily air raids by Antonov bombers.

Accuracy is not a strong point of these aircraft, built by the Soviets 40 years ago. But the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) says physical destruction is only one purpose of these raids. They are also meant to sow terror among civilians.

“The main strategy of Khartoum to bomb the civil population is to break the will of the combatants,” said Malik Agar, the leader of the SPLM-N and a former Blue Nile governor. “These are the relatives of the combatants – fathers, mothers, wives, children – so they think this will break the will of the fighters.”

Mr Agar fought for decades alongside the SPLM, which eventually won independence for South Sudan. When the south became the world’s newest nation on July 9, the SPLM on the opposite side of the new border tagged “North” to its name and declared itself a separate political movement.

While southerners voted for independence in a referendum, a separate consultative process had been set up to determine the fate of Blue Nile and neighbouring South Kordofan state. But the process fell apart, and fighting erupted first in South Kordofan and then in Blue Nile where, on September 2, Khartoum sent in tanks and soldiers to depose Mr Agar, the elected governor.

After a five-year hiatus from war, the ageing guerrilla fighter is back in the bush. He says he is talking with rebel groups from the western state of Darfur, as well as those in the east. They are planning to coordinate military operations to topple Sudan’s Omar Al Bashir and set up what Mr Agar says will be a democratic, secular state that recognises Sudan’s ethnic and religious diversity.

At his bush-camp headquarters, Mr Agar said he was still open to negotiations with Mr Al Bashir about reforming the government, but only if a third party was involved.

Officials in Khartoum have rejected involving outsiders, calling the conflict an internal matter.

The International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based think tank, recently said hardliners within Mr Al Bashir’s ruling National Congress Party wanted a military solution rather than negotiations.

“This, however, is pushing Sudan’s disparate rebel movements and opposition forces together and could trigger a civil war for control of the country,” it said.

Regardless of the goals of either side, Mr Agar said civilians should not be caught in the middle. He called on the international community to push Mr Al Bashir’s administration to allow humanitarian aid into rebel-occupied territory.

Near the rebel stronghold of Kurmuk, Hawa Jundi sits on the ground next to a makeshift shelter of blue tarpaulin stretched over a frame of sticks. She holds a baby in her lap, while two small children in ragged clothing peer out from behind her. Her family manages to scrounge together one meal a day by foraging for wild plants and sorghum from abandoned farms.


They fled their village of Sally after a bombing raid. But even in this temporary camp she has not found safety.

“I don’t know why the Antonov came and bombed us, but we left our village and came here,” she said. “And after we came here, we found that the Antonov is coming also to this place.”

Earlier that day, she narrowly escaped being hit by shrapnel from a bomb dropped in a river bed where villagers were searching for scraps of gold to sell for food.

When the bombs hit their target, the results are deadly.

A crater in the ground was all that was left of one family’s hut in Maiyes village, about 20 kilometres from the front line. Household possessions, including a child’s shoe, were scattered around. Relatives and neighbours held up twisted pieces of shrapnel, which they said had ripped apart the family of six.

“One of them was pregnant and it cut her stomach,” said Heder Abusita, the village chief. “Rueana Murdis also was killed here with her small kid. And also there is Bushara. He died here in this house. His feet were cut, and his stomach also was cut.”

Government officials deny they are targeting civilians, saying attacks are aimed only at military targets.

The SPLM-N says as many as 600,000 people are now displaced in Blue Nile. The actual number is impossible to verify independently.

Mr Agar said 74 civilians had been killed and more than 100 injured since the bombing began. He warned the crisis would only get worse unless the government created a “humanitarian corridor” for international organisations to bring food and medicine.

As the homeless forage for food, they keep their ears trained to the sky.

“We hear the voice of the Antonov and we know it well,” said Ms Jundi. “When I hear the Antonov coming I am really very scared. So I look for my kids and we just run to the river to hide.”

Dear South Sudanese historians and concerned citizens,

Here is a trophy of historical notes and records made by the British colonial administrators about South Sudan (Sudan). The notes and records have been diligently produced in multi-volumes of which University of Khartoum, University of Toronto and the University of Michigan have some digital general collection. Of course, you can just Google Sudan notes and records to get other numerous sources which are not listed below. Enjoys


You +1’d this publicly. Undo

File Format: PDF/Adobe Acrobat – Quick View

G:\lists_periodicals\periodical lists S\Sudan Notes and Records.wpd

University of Khartoum E – Journals

Sudan Notes and Records Volumes

PDF | Print | E-mail

Vol. 01 1918

Vol. 02 1919

Vol. 03 1920

Vol. 04 1921

Vol. 05 1922

Vol. 06 1923

Vol. 07 1924

Vol. 08 1925

Vol. 09 1926

Vol. 10 1927

Vol. 11 1928

Vol. 12 1929

Vol. 13 1930

Vol. 14 1931

Vol. 15 1932

Vol. 16 1933

Vol. 17 1934

Vol. 18 1935

Vol. 19 1936

Vol. 20 1937

Vol. 21 1938

Vol.27 1946

Vol.28 1947

Vol.47 1966

Vol.48 1967

Vol.49 1968

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Sudan notes and records – Google Books › HistoryAfricaEast
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Sudan Notes and Records and Sudanese Nationalism, 1918-1956

Open Access Journal: Sudan notes and records

Sudan notes and records – AWOL – The Ancient World Online

Full text of “Sudan notes and records

Sudan notes and records : Philosophical Society of the Sudan › … › University of Toronto – Robarts Library

SUDAN NOTES AND RECORDS . 0375-2984. Back volumes and

Sudan notes and records – MLibrary Digital Collections;idno=ACT4675

Sudan Notes and Records Volumes

Note: The items are listed in order of their organization; e.g., in volume/issue order.

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Google Search,or.r_gc.r_pw.r_cp.,cf.osb&fp=8e7fa2636e8b849&biw=1280&bih=806

Title: Sudan notes and records.
Publication Info: Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Library
Availability: These pages may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Please go to for more information.
Print source: Sudan notes and records.
Khartoum [etc.]:
Subject terms:
Sudan — Periodicals.
[unavailable for reprint]

South Sudan Inflation Accelerates to 61.5% on Food Costs

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan

By Sarah McGregor

(Updates with food prices in first paragraph.)

Oct. 18 (Bloomberg) — Consumer prices in South Sudan, an oil producer that became an independent nation this year, jumped by 61.5 percent in September compared with a year earlier as the cost of food surged, the National Bureau of Statistics said.

The inflation rate accelerated from 57.1 percent in August, the Juba-based agency said in a statement on its website today. Prices rose 0.8 percent in the month, it said. The price of food, the largest contributor to the index with a 71.4 percent weighting, advanced an annual 65.3 percent, the agency said.

It is the first time that the Consumer Price Index extended beyond Juba to include the towns of Malakal and Wau, the agency said.

–Editors: Andrew Atkinson, Emily Bowers

By Sarah McGregor

(Updates with food prices in first paragraph.)

Oct. 18 (Bloomberg) — Consumer prices in South Sudan, an oil producer that became an independent nation this year, jumped by 61.5 percent in September compared with a year earlier as the cost of food surged, the National Bureau of Statistics said.

The inflation rate accelerated from 57.1 percent in August, the Juba-based agency said in a statement on its website today. Prices rose 0.8 percent in the month, it said. The price of food, the largest contributor to the index with a 71.4 percent weighting, advanced an annual 65.3 percent, the agency said.

It is the first time that the Consumer Price Index extended beyond Juba to include the towns of Malakal and Wau, the agency said.

–Editors: Andrew Atkinson, Emily Bowers

To contact the reporter on this story: Sarah McGregor in Nairobi at smcgregor5

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Andrew J. Barden at barden

South Sudan inflation jumps to 61.5 pct in September

Wed Oct 19, 2011 6:19am GMT

KHARTOUM (Reuters) – South Sudan’s annual inflation rate accelerated to 61.5 percent in September from 57.1 percent in August on a surge in food prices, the new African nation said.

South Sudan became independent on July 9 under a 2005 peace agreement with its former civil war foe, Khartoum, but has been struggling to build up state institutions and contain tribal and rebel violence that has killed 3,000 people this year.

Month-on-month inflation accelerated by 0.8 percent in September, driven by higher costs for household goods and furniture, the national bureau of statistics said on its website.

The bureau blamed September’s inflation rise on a 65.3 percent increase in costs for food, the biggest component. Household equipment costs rose by 108.9 percent.

Landlocked South Sudan has been hit hard by a temporary closure of the joint border with north Sudan from which its buys much of its food and other needs.

Both countries reached a border agreement to facilitate travel last month, but a lack of trade agreements and joint banking system has hampered bilateral trade.

Last month, the United Nations warned Sudan would face food shortages from next year as agricultural production was hit by violence and heavy rains.

© Thomson Reuters 2011 All rights reserved

Oil-linked instability threatening South Sudan: ICG

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan

Instability in South Sudan’s oil-rich Unity state threatens the already fragile, newly independent country, the International Crisis Group has warned

AFP , Tuesday 18 Oct 2011

The International Crisis Group (ICG) considers Unity a test case for the broad range of deferred internal issues that South Sudan has to deal with after six years of focusing on the peace deal that ended decades of civil war with the north and culminated in peaceful secession in July.

"Unity State, a territory of unique importance and complexity in the fragile new country of South Sudan, faces a perfect storm of political, social, economic and security dilemmas," some of which are shared across the new country, the ICG said in a report released late on Monday.

Analysts say Unity is the most important oil-producing area in South Sudan, which gained 75 percent of the oil with secession and relies on it for more than 95 percent of total revenues.

But the landlocked country is still negotiating with Khartoum over transit fees and revenues sharing and how to demarcate borders in critical zones such as Unity.

The think tank warns that a complex web of national interests, political and military alliances and the economic isolation of this resource-rich "frontline state" are compounded by new issues.

"Some troubles have festered for years, while more recent developments, prompted by the partition of Sudan, have exacerbated instability and intensified resource pressure," said senior analyst Zach Vertin.

Tens of thousands of returnees and refugees have come from the north following independence and conflict in Sudan’s southern South Kordofan and Blue Nile states between government forces and the SPLM northern faction, that fought alongside southern rebels for years.

The tenuous north-south relationship is intensified by cross-border tensions over migration and a block on the movement of people and goods.

A series of armed rebellions in Unity over the past year have drawn attention to the state, but the group says activities by rebel militia groups mask the internal, festering issues of deeply polarized politics.

"Now that independence has been achieved, long-suppressed grievances will increasingly surface in an already tenuous political environment," said EJ Hogendoorn, ICG’s Horn of Africa project director.

"Untangling Unity’s web of intersecting challenges will prove no easy task," he warned, urging the government to strengthen local institutions to save South Sudan’s "economic life-blood."

The UN has said it will ramp up demining activities due to a worrying "localised" problem of new mines being laid in Unity. The most recent incident killed 20 people last week when a civilian bus was hit by an anti-tank mine in Mayom county.

A leading politician who asked not to be named called the increase part of a north-south "tit-for-tat proxy war," with Sudan funding rebels in the oil-rich state in retaliation over suspicions of South Sudan supporting SPLM-N rebels in Sudan’s war-torn southern border states and harbouring Darfuri rebels.

South Sudan suffers from corruption

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Economy

General Education Undersecretary Dishes 71,540 USD for Family

by Mary Ajith 15.10.2011

George Justin Achor ps
JUBA – Documents released and a copy obtained by the Citizen newspaper indicates that the Undersecretary in the Ministry of General Education, George Justin Achor spent a sum of 71,540 US Dollars to meet the air travel of six members of his family on first class flight from Ottowa in Canada, North America to Juba in South Sudan in August 2011.

What makes the transaction to appear corruption was the approval of the amount by the Undersecretary himself directing the Director General for Administration and Finance in the Ministry, Lino Girikpio Wandu to release the amount. The large sum of money was charged against curricular funds of the ministry as per letter sent to Governor Bank of Southern Sudan dated 17th August, 2011 by the Director General for Administration and Finance and Director of Administration and Finance Sebit William Garang.

The amount in South Sudan pounds is 237,841 before its conversion into Dollars was paid to the BOSS by cashier of the General Ministry of Education Tom Julu Barnaba on 18th August, 2011.

South Sudan suffers from corruption

Corruption has appeared to be the toughest challenge to overcome in the new nation of South Sudan.

The country has been facing this challenge even when the region was still semi-autonomous and a part of Sudan. When the new nation gained independence in July, South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir stressed that combating corruption is one of the central goals of his government.

However, members of the anti-corruption commission doubted that the body would be able to carry out its duty due to a multitude of challenges it was facing, including lack of capacities, which forced the commission to design a five-year strategy to fight corruption.

People here believe that the commission’s flaws have its goals extremely difficult to achieve.

However, between the government’s support and the skepticism of the citizens, the anti-corruption commission remains to be the only body qualified to tackle the issue, even if people seem to have lost faith in it.

While continuing to fight corruption, south Sudan can only hope that its name will not be added to the list of failed states, despite being a new country.

What is behind US new anti-terrorist operation in Uganda?

Posted: October 19, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in World

Photo: EPA
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The US has sent 100 of its soldiers to Uganda and some neighboring countries, including South Sudan.

The official explanation is that they were sent to fight against the Ugandan sect. or rather terrorist group, which calls itself “Lord’s Resistance Army”.

The sect was formed in 1987 by a certain Joseph Kony, formerly a Roman Catholic priest, who proclaims himself a prophet. For all these years, Kony has been trying to seize power in Uganda – as he says, in order to create “a state based on the Bible”. The self-appointed “prophet” claims that only young souls, untouched with sins, are capable of building such a state. That’s why, when the cult’s followers seize a town or a village, they kill the adults and take the children with them.

According to human rights organizations’ data, in total, the “Lord’s Army” has killed several tens of thousands of adults, and kidnapped up to 40,000 children. Saving themselves from the terrorists, about 2 mln people have fled Uganda. In 2005, the International Criminal Court issued an order to arrest Joseph Kony.

So, at first sight, it may seem quite clear why the US is sending troops to Uganda – to fight with a terrorist group which calls itself a religious cult. Moreover, the US is also sending inspectors to teach Ugandan servicemen to fight terrorists more effectively.

However, a closer glance would show that it is not all that simple. The Ugandan province, where the sect acts, borders with South Sudan – a region which is very rich in oil. And, there is information that the US wants to take control over all these oil riches and lead a pipeline from South Sudan to the Atlantic Ocean – but, this madman of a prophet and his terrorists are the main obstacle to that.

Political analyst Nikolay Tikhomirov comments:

“Americans are very interested in oil. This is the main reason why they got involved in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. The story with this Ugandan operation is very similar.”

Andrey Sidorov from the Moscow State University shares the same opinion:

“The US has oil interests practically everywhere where oil can be found. For example, in Iraq oil is cheap, but of a very high quality – and that was the main reason why George W. Bush sent forces there.”

“However,” Andrey Sidorov continues, “Barack Obama might have had some other considerations as well, when he started this Ugandan operation.”

“If the US withdraws its forces from Iraq and Afghanistan, this will give international terrorism more freedom to raise its ugly head. And, Mr. Obama, of course, wants to present himself as a fighter with terrorism – the more so, because presidential elections are at hand. Mr. Obama is showing to his potential voters – at least, the conservatively-minded ones – that he is a strong-willed and decisive man. Besides soldiers, he is sending inspectors who will train Ugandan servicemen to fight against terrorists. This is done to make it look more like an anti-terrorist operation, but Mr. Obama may have some other interests behind this Ugandan campaign as well.”

Whatever the reasons why the US started this operation may be, a question arises: will 100 soldiers – a small bunch, in fact – cope with a terrorist network that has been terrorizing Uganda for about 20 years? If we think 20 years back, we may remember the fiasco of another US operation in Africa – namely, in Somalia.

Why Is Obama Deploying U.S. Troops Against rag-tag Bandits, Unless….

By Peter Ngom

The Obama administration has announced that it has dispatched about 100 armed U.S. troops to Central Africa –Uganda, South Sudan, Central African Republic (CAR) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)– purportedly to apprehend the leader of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA).

U.S. and Ugandan troops; is Joseph Kony’s LRA the true objective?

The LRA is an anti-President Yoweri Museveni insurgency which started in Uganda and had since moved to the large swath of land between DRC, CAR and South Sudan after the failure of the Juba Peace talks between the LRA and Museveni’s government, in December 2008.

The Museveni regime has in the past attempted –or claims it did– to defeat the LRA, including through scorched earth tactics to decimate them. Yet Museveni has also used the LRA for political and financial propaganda purposes when it suits him. The U.S. has also been supporting the Museveni regime all along: militarily, financially, logistically, politically, technically and diplomatically culminating in the botched attack on LRA camps, operation “Lightening Thunder” that fell like a dud on December 14th, 2008.

Since then, the Uganda government has claimed that it has terribly degraded the LRA to the point that it is no longer a serious threat. The rag-tag LRA is variously estimated to number 200 to 500 fighters. Contrast this with the combined national troops of Uganda, CAR, DRC and South Sudan, which number almost a quarter of a million troops:

Central African Republic, 2,150; Democratic Republic of the Congo, 151,651; South Sudan, 45,395 and; Uganda, 45,000. Additionally, there are militias in the four countries numbering in thousands.

Furthermore, the United Nations has deployed about 50,500 peace keeping troops in this region: Sudan/Darfur, UNAMID, 26,000; South Sudan, UNMISS, 7,000 and; Democratic Republic of the Congo, MONUSCO, 17,500.

Given the staggering numbers of these troops compared to the rag-tag LRA rebel fighters, one would expect the LRA to have been eliminated by now. Could there be that there other motives at play, with the U.S. deployment? How has the LRA managed to survive when faced against the overwhelming “opposition” from tens of thousands or troops; 45,000 from Uganda alone? Could it be that Museveni has always had an incentive for the prolongation of the LRA’s existence since it secures military and financial benefits from the West to “combat” the LRA?

Neither the rationale nor the timing of the announcement of the deployment of 100 U.S. troops in Central Africa makes sense.

Why is the U.S. deploying now?

Looking at the balance of power, it is obvious that the four countries together with the UN have an overwhelming superiority over the rag-tag LRA rebels. The LRA has been reported to have continued to commit heinous crimes and must face justice. What about the crimes under Museveni? Clinging to power: by deceit, corruption and suppression of dissent frequently; by arrests, jailings, torture and killing opponents with impunity. Why single out only the LRA while bestowing blessings on Museveni? Shouldn’t both be brought to justice?

The announcement has also come at a time when the American people are suffering from war fatigue having been at war in Iraq and Afghanistan for the last 10 and 8 years respectively. It also comes at a time that the U.S. economy is in the dumps and the budget deficit is at an all time high. It seems inexplicable that the U.S. would want to start yet another war as Americans are looking forward to an end of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.

To understand the real reasons, we need to think outside the usual LRA narrative by looking at what has happened recently in the world or in the region that could have prompted President Obama to deploy troops in Central Africa:

First, the overriding national U.S. concern is terrorism directed at America and its allies. The hot spots in Africa include Somalia and Northern Nigeria. Recent events in Libya have magnified the urgency to control the unintended consequences of the Libyan war; dangerous weapons such as heat guided shoulder fired missiles and crude uranium materials falling into the hands of terrorists.

In a small way, the concern about the LRA is that it could act as a conduit to export the weapons to be used elsewhere like in Somalia. Alternatively, the LRA narrative is simply a ruse to cover up the real reason for the deployment of U.S. troops in the region.

Second, the announcement could help relieve internal pressure on President Museveni being mounted by citizens who are tired of being abused by the Museveni regime. On the one hand, it is a familiar pattern that whenever President Museveni is under pressure, he uses controversial issues like the LRA threat to security or his threat to give away the venerable Mabira Forest for growing sugar cane. On the other hand, the announcement could be an appreciation for President Museveni’s waging of a proxy war on terror in Somalia on behalf of the U.S.

Third, the long-term goal of the U.S. in this region is to secure the vast natural resources including oil in South Sudan and Uganda, and critical minerals including uranium and coltan from the DRC. In this respect, the LRA does not pose a significant threat to the American effort to secure these resources.

Fourth, this is an election season in the U.S. Due to the bad economic situation, President Obama is not doing as well among the electorate as he did in 2008. Some analysts have speculated that this is merely a symbolic act to placate the youth who have been actively calling for the elimination of the LRA. By so doing, the President hopes to mobilize the youth for his re-election campaign. If true, it reflects the pettiness by which the presidential power can be used and it is not acceptable.

Lastly, in spite of their alliance, the relationship between the Obama administration and the Museveni regime is riddled with embarrassment, unfriendly and insulting comments, suspicion and mistrust.

For example, according to WikiLeaks, former U.S. ambassador to Uganda, Jerry Lanier gave President Museveni a failing grade in governance. Most recently, a member of Parliament revealed that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency gave him documents alleging kickbacks paid to senior ministers for facilitating oil contracts in Uganda.

On his part, President Museveni denounced the people who originated the allegation of bribery as “idiots.” There are rumors of an impending army takeover should the allegedly corrupt ministers not step down and allow investigations. Could it be that the announced deployment is in anticipation of a regime change in Uganda, as a way to pre-empt the country from catching the Arab Spring virus?

While these are reasonable speculations, the official rationale by Washington for the deployment of the 100 troops in Central Africa does not make sense is not credible.

“Speaking Truth To Empower.”