Timeline South Sudan: The Evolutionary Phases of South Sudan’s Liberation Struggle (part 3).
“Garang, the son of my mother, have you come? Take over the command from here now. Chagai, my work is finished: give me something to drink and celebrate the start of the revolution. Chagai Atem, I said my work is finished here. Let the wise man, Garang of my mother, assumes the responsibility. Chagai, where is your Ak47? Garang will show us how to shoot the enemy.” —Major Kerubino Kuanyin Bol in Bor, May 17, 1983, upon seeing Dr. John Garang joining the Armed Rebellion that birthed the SPLM/A[1].
By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA, Planet Earth
5. The SPLM/A Era
The Founding of the Sudan People Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A)
By 1983, the South, as discussed earlier in part two of this series, was on the verge of a new civil war: it was no longer the question of “if” but rather “when” and “where” in particular it would break out. The Addis Ababa Agreement that had ended the previous war had been relentlessly undermined and finally breached—with President Nimeiri dismissing[2] it as neither Quranic nor Biblical to be accorded respect; Sharia Law was declared the new state constitution and Arabic the only language to be spoken in the South; there was a strenuous effort to transfer all ex-Anyanya One combatants to the North; Oil refinery was being built at Port Sudan instead of Bentiu where the oil was found; Jonglei Canal was being built against the wishes of the locals who feared mass displacement and irrevocable environmental catastrophes; Southerners were pitted against one another through the policy of Kokora—the redivision of the South into three states; political, economic and social discriminations against Southerners were widespread and persistent; retired ex-Anyanya soldiers and officers were not being replaced and disgruntled Anyanya One Forces were staging mutinies and rebellions across the South.[3]
By this time, Colonel Dr. John Garang, having completed his PhD in Economics[4] in the USA, Iowa State University, had returned to the Sudan and was in Khartoum as a visiting lecturer—Khartoum University, and an assistant researcher—Military Research Unit. Major Kerubino Kuanyin Bol was stationed at Pochalla Garrison while Captain William Nyuon was in Ayod town. Major Arok Thon Arok, the then head of the intelligence services in the South and a tutor at a Military College in Khartoum, was concealing the activities of the Underground Movement from the watchful eyes of the Khartoum regime, while Salva[5] Kiir—based in Malakal—was coordinating the intelligence activities of the Underground Movement. Chagai Atem Biar was the go-between shuttling between Bor, Juba, Malakal and Khartoum (there were no mobiles). Abdalla Chuol and Gordon Kong were coordinating the recruitment and organization of the Anyanya Two Forces in Bilpam in readiness for the D-Day[6].
The main battalions[7] in the South were Battalion 116 in Juba; 117 in Torit and Kapoeta; 110 in Aweil; 111 in Rumbek; 105 in Bor, Pibor and Pochalla and 104 in Ayod, Waat and Akobo. The Underground Movement’s war plan[8] was to launch a well-coordinated, simultaneous armed rebellion on August 18, 1983, in all the major battalions, to capture Juba and to declare an Independent South Sudan. However, in March 1983, there was a dispute in Bor over unpaid salaries of Battalion 105 due to discrepancies in the pay-sheet. But as fate had it, Major Kerubino Kuanyin Bol[9], the commander of Pochalla Garrison, was visiting Bor when he found soldiers on a rampage. Being part of Battalion 105 and with the absence of the commanding officer in Bor, he combined the two Garrisons and took charge of the rioting soldiers. It is to be recalled here that Kerubino Kuanyin Bol had no intention to launch the armed rebellion or to escalate the precarious military situation in Bor. While he did try to mediate between the rebellious soldiers and the regional government of General Gismallah Abdalla Rassas[10] in Juba, his efforts were frustrated by the reluctance of the government to agree to the stated demands of the aggrieved soldiers—unpaid salaries and planned transfer to the north.
The Attack on Bor: May 16th, 1983
The situation was irreparably exacerbated on May 16, 1983 when the government forces, under Lt. Colonel Dominic Kassiano—an ex-Anyanya Officer—launched a dawn attack on Bor at 5am. The fighting raged on for over five hours. By 10am, Kerubino Kuanyin was wounded and Corporal Maker Jol Deng was killed in action, becoming the first Southerner to die in a war that later claimed the lives of over two million people. Captain Bullen Alier took over the command of Battalion 105 and commenced tactical withdrawal from Bortown. Meanwhile, Dr. John Garang, who was on an official visit[11] to Southern Sudan, arrived in Bor accompanied by Elijah Malok Aleng, Chagai Atem and Major Arok Thon Arok. After having successfully distracted the Commander of Langbar from the raging fighting in Bor, Dr. John Garang slipped out to meet Kerubino Kuanyin and his group at the outskirt of Bor.
Upon seeing Dr. John Garang, Kerubino Kuanyin Bol delightfully exclaimed: “Garang, the son of my mother, have you come? Take over the command from here now. Chagai, my work is finished: give me something to drink and celebrate the start of the revolution. Chagai Atem, I said my work is finished here. Let the wise man, Garang of my mother, assumes the responsibility. Chagai, where is your Ak47? Garang will show us how to shoot the enemy.”[12] By May 18, 1983, the government had sent in a big reinforcement and Battalion 105 was soon outnumbered, outgunned and almost encircled. Left with no choice, they pulled out of town and marched to Ethiopia. On May 26, 1983, Captain William Nyuon Bany[13], the commander of Ayod Garrison intercepted a government army convoy, killed all the Arab officers and dumped their bodies into a well. He then ransacked the ammunitions stores and departed for Ethiopia.
The Race to Ethiopia
Much earlier though, Salva Kiir, Francis Ngor and Salva Mathok had sent out words from Malakal that the government was planning to pre-emptively attack Ayod, Pibor and Pochalla Garrisons. Consequently, Pochalla, Pibor, and Waat soldiers also pulled out and joined their colleagues on the grand march to Ethiopia. Samuel Ghai Tut and Akuot Atem de Mayen, both of whom had been prominent ministers of the High Executive Council[14] under Joseph Lagu, also arrived in Ethiopia and so did Captain Salva Kiir and Lt. Colonel Francis Ng’or Makiec after their failed attempt to take over Malakal. The members of the Abyei Liberation Front (ALF) led by Chol Deng Alaak and Deng Alor Kuol arrived too in Ethiopia. The other notable groups that joined the insurgents in Ethiopia were the Progressive Southern Sudanese students led by Ladu Lokurnyang, Nyachigag Nyachiluk and Pagan Amum and the Southern Sudanese politicians led by Joseph Oduho and Martin Majier Ghai. Gordon Kong and Abdalla Chuol were already in Bilpam, Ethiopia with the Anyanya Two Forces.
The Adura and the Bukteng Camp: The Duel between Cain and Abel
But hardly had the mutineers arrived in Ethiopia when a serious conflict arose between the Adura Camp and the Bukteng Camp over leadership and the ideology of the fetal Movement. The Bukteng Camp was composed of Akuot Atem de Mayen, Samuel Ghai Tut and their supporters while the Adura Camp comprised of Dr. John Garang, Salva Kiir, Francis Ngor, Joseph Lagu, Martin Majier, the student group and the Abyei Liberation Front. William Nyuon was still on the way to Ethiopia while Kerubino was still nursing his wounds in hospital. Though they were in Bilpam, both Gordon Kong and Abdalla Chuol were perceived to be more sympathetic to the Bukteng camp though they were trying to be neutral. The division[15] of the Insurgent Group into Adura and Bukteng Camps was generated by a strong suspicion Akuot Atem had against Dr. John Garang whom he had considered a threat to his conquest for the Movement leadership.
When word went out that the Ethiopian government had requested a meeting with Dr. John Garang, Akuot Atem was visibly incensed, accusing the Ethiopian government of unilaterally picking their leader. Tranquility was only restored when Bukteng Camp was assured that this was just a preliminary contact and that the leader was yet to be elected. Soon after, an urgent meeting was called and an official delegation—headed by Akuot Atem, with Dr. John Garang, Joseph Oduho, Samuel Ghai Tut and Captain Salva Kiir as members—was selected to meet General Masfin, the envoy of the Ethiopian government. General Masfin ordered the group leaders to write down their manifesto outlining the core objectives of their Movement. The Ethiopian government rejected a document drafted by Akuot Atem as the head of the delegation because of its separatist ideology—the Ethiopian government that was then fighting a separatist Eritrean rebel was not willing to accommodate and support a separatist movement on its soil.
As a result, Joseph Oduho decided to persuade Dr. John Garang, who had taken a back seat so as not to antagonize Akuot Atem’s feeling, to draft the document to make it acceptable to the Ethiopian government. Dr. John Garang gave them a condition that he would only write the document if no one would object to fighting for the “creation of a new united Sudan that would give the marginalized areas of the Sudan equality and justice.”[16] With no objection from the group members, Dr. John Garang drafted the manifesto that was later ratified by the group members and then presented to the Ethiopian Government that promptly accepted it. The new insurgent group was christened The Sudan People Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), a name closer to the South Sudan Liberation Movement (SSLM)[17]—the political wing of Joseph Lagu’s Anyanya One Movement that signed the 1972 Addis Ababa Accord.
But before the delegation could visit Addis Ababa to meet Mengistu Haile Mariam, Akuot Atem called for the formation of the government and the election of the leader. Wasting no time, he collected his supporters and declared himself the undisputed leader of the Revolution Movement—the SPLM/A. He hurriedly proceeded ahead and formed the government[18] with himself as the Chairman of the SPLM/A; his dear friend Ghai Tut as Minister of Defense; Joseph Oduho as Minister of Foreign Affairs; Martin Majier Ghai as Minister of Legal Affairs and Dr. John Garang as Chief of Staff. To the relief of Adura Camp, Kerubino Kuanyin and William Nyuon—the heroes of the Bor and Ayod Uprisings—arrived in Ethiopia with larger and stronger forces. The two were outraged when they learned that Akuot Atem had unilaterally installed himself as the new leader of the Movement.
A meeting called to amicably settle the leadership question was left in disarray when Kerubino Kuanyin Bol shot dead a young man[19], Marial Alek from the Nuer tribe, accusing him of insubordination. The Bukteng Camp of Akuot Atem and Ghai Tut saw the wanton, point blank shooting of the young man as a conspiracy by Adura Camp against them. The intervention by the Ethiopian forces to calm the mounting situation was further interpreted by Akuot’s group as an indication that the Ethiopian Government was not only favoring but also imposing Dr. John Garang on them. Akuot Atem went on to accuse Dr. John Garang of being a spy sent by Khartoum to destabilize and thwart the formation of a strong Revolutionary Movement. Furious, Akuot Atem and his group left Ethiopia for Bukteng camp, located within the borders of the Sudan. For no apparent reason and without prior warning, William Nyuon Bany[20] attacked the neutral forces of Gordon Kong, forcing him to join the Bukteng camp inside the Sudan.
With Akuot Atem out of the picture, the Adura camp unanimously elected Dr. John Garang as the new leader of the SPLM and commander-in-chief of the SPLA Forces. Kerubino Kuanyin and William Nyuon were promoted to Lt. Colonels and named as Deputy Chairman and Chief of Staff respectively. Salva Kiir was appointed Deputy Chief of Staff while Nyachigak Nyachiluk was named an alternate member. Meanwhile, Joseph Oduho and Martin Majier were designated as Ministers for Foreign and Legal Affairs respectively. Later on, Major Arok Thon Arok joined the Movement in 1984 after he was released from jail—he had been accused of, and imprisoned for, having aided the 1983 Bor Uprising—and he was appointed to position 5 after Salva Kiir, his junior officer in the Sudanese intelligence services. In the same year, Martin Manyiel Ayuel defected[21] with his entire unit and joined the SPLM; he was appointed the Director in the office of the SPLM/A Chairperson. Dr. Riek Machar joined the SPLM/A in December 1983, while Dr. Lam Akol[22] came in 1986 and both were appointed alternate members of the SPLM/A Politico-Military High Command together with Wani Igga[23] among others.
Colonel Francis Ng’or Makiec
Left out of the high-ranking positions was Colonel Francis Ng’or Makiec who was only second to Colonel Dr. John Garang in military ranking among those insurrectionary forces that went to Ethiopia. The explanation given was that he came from the same area as both Kerubino Kuanyin and Salva Kiir, and since the three of them could not be placed within the high positions of the Movement, it was decided that he was to be left out. While Kerubino took the second position on the virtue of having fired the first bullet in Bor on May 16, 1983, the puzzle still remains: how was Captain Salva Kiir—a junior officer—chosen over Colonel Francis Ng’or Makiec? Both were in the Underground Movement; both were based in Malakal and both came out together with Francis Ng’or leading them out of Malakal after they failed to capture the town. One further reason given was that Kerubino was blaming Francis for having pulled out of Malakal with only 27 soldiers; but wasn’t the same culpability applicable to Captain Salva Kiir too since they were together?
It is possible that Dr. John Garang might have favored Captain Salva Kiir over Colonel Francis Ng’or or perhaps Major Kerubino Kuanyin Bol, a junior officer of Colonel Francis Ng’or, might have forced Dr. John Garang’s hand to drop Francis Ng’or from the top leadership, or it could be both. The manner in which the revolution started—the unfair treatment meted out to Francis Ng’or and the mysterious death of Benjamin Bol Akok—precluded many leading members of the Underground Movement from joining the SPLM/A. Those members of the clandestine Underground Movement who showed up in Ethiopia were Colonel Dr. John Garang, Lt. Colonel Francis Ng’or Makiec, Lt. Colonel Stephen Madut Baak who jetted in from Europe into Ethiopia, and Captain Salva Kiir. And those who remained behind, apart from Emmanuel Abuur Nhial who was killed by insurrectionists under Afred Agwet Awan in the 1976 mutiny[24] in Wau, were Major Gen. Andrew Makur Thaou, Major Gen. Albino Akol Akol, Major Gen. Alison Manani Magaya that was rumored to have been a longtime SPLM/A mole within the NCP, Major Gen. Peter Cyrillo, Brigadier Gen. Robert Mayuk Deng, and Brigadier Scopas Juma.
Sudanization of the so-called ‘Southern Problem’
But the loss of those leaders was compensated by a group of new leaders who joined SPLM/A from the North: Yusuf Kuwo Mekki from the Nuba Mountains; Mahmoud Bazarra from the Beja region; Malik Agar from the Ingessana; Daud Bolad from Darfur; Dr. Khalil Osman and Dr. Mansour Khalid, both from Khartoum. With the main objective of total liberation of the Sudan to establish a United Secular Sudan, the so-called Southern Problem was transformed into a Sudan National Problem[25]. It was no longer a problem of the South versus the rest of the country; it was a question of the marginalized areas fighting for political and economic equality and social justice.
[1] Arop Madut-Arop, “Sudan’s Painful Road To Peace: A Full Story of the Founding and Development of SPLM/SPLA” [2006]
[2] Mansour Khalid, “The Government They Deserve: The Role of the Elite in Sudan’s Political Evolution” [1990]
[3] Yosa Wawa, “The Southern Sudanese Pursuits of Self-Determination: Documents in Political History” [2005]
[4] Dr. John Garang de Mabior, “Identifying, Selecting and Implementing Rural Development Strategies for Socio-Economic Development in the Jonglei Projects Area, Southern Region, Sudan.” [1981]
[5] Arop Madut-Arop, “Sudan’s Painful Road To Peace: A Full Story of the Founding and Development of SPLM/SPLA” [2006]
[6] Gabriel Achuoth Deng, “Wars and a new vision for the Sudan: (a political lesson)” [2005]
[7] Arop Madut-Arop, “Sudan’s Painful Road To Peace: A Full Story of the Founding and Development of SPLM/SPLA” [2006]
[8] Gabriel Achuoth Deng, “Wars and a new vision for the Sudan: (a political lesson)” [2005]
[9] Ibid.
[10] Joseph Lagu Yanga, “Sudan: Odyssey Through a State (From Ruin To Hope)” [2006].
[11] Abel Alier Kwai, “Southern Sudan: Too Many Agreements Dishonoured” [1992]
[12] Arop Madut-Arop, “Sudan’s Painful Road To Peace: A Full Story of the Founding and Development of SPLM/SPLA.” [2006]
[13] Gabriel Achuoth Deng, “Wars and a new vision for the Sudan: (a political lesson)” [2005]
[14] Joseph Lagu Yanga, “Sudan: odyssey through a state: from ruin to hope.” [2006]
[15] Douglas Johnson, “The root causes of Sudan’s civil wars: Peace or Truce” [2011]
[16] Arop Madut-Arop, “Sudan’s Painful Road To Peace: A Full Story of the Founding and Development of SPLM/SPLA.” [2006]
[17] M. W. Daly and Ahmad Sikainga, “Civil war in the Sudan” [1993]
[18] Arop Madut, “Sudan’s Painful Road To Peace: A Full Story of the Founding and Development of SPLM/SPLA.” [2006]
[19] Ibid.
[20] Douglas Johnson, “The root causes of Sudan’s civil wars: Peace or Truce” [2011]
[21] Gabriel Achuoth Deng, “Wars and a new vision for the Sudan: (a political lesson)” [2005]
[22] Dr. Lam Akol, “SPLM/SPLA : The Nasir Declaration” [2003]
[23] James Wani Igga, “Southern Sudan: Battles Fought and the Secrecy of Diplomacy” [2008]
[24] Abel Alier Kwai, “Southern Sudan: Too Many Agreements Dishonoured” [1992]
[25] Dr. John Garang, at al. “The Vision of the New Sudan: Questions of Unity and Identity” [1998]
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