PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd – South Sudan

"We the willing, led by the unknowing, are doing the impossible for the ungrateful. We have done so much, with so little, for so long, we are now qualified to do anything, with nothing" By Konstantin Josef Jireček, a Czech historian, diplomat and slavist.

Is Mabioor Garang de Mabioor Refuting his Groundbreaking Story with Alan Boswell?

Mayardit and Alan Boswell of McClatchy Newspaper

By Dr. Kuel Maluil Jok

A.      Reaction of Twi-Leadership

The heading at McClatchy Newspaper ‘Mabior Garang, Son of South Sudan’s Founder blasts country Leadership’ perturbs the leaders of the Dinka Twi-Bor community. Hence, on 29 August 2012, they aggregated to the house of Nyandeng Garang Mabior, Presidential Advisor for Gender. Nyandeng a mother of Mabior and a widow of the founder of this nation, Dr. John Garang Mabior warmly embraced the aggregators. The delegation included the highly educated figures from the Western universities and decision-making within the Twi community and the Government of South Sudan (GOSS). It embodied Elijah Malok Alang former Central Bank of South Sudan (CBSS) Dr. Majak De Agot Atem, Deputy Minister for Defence, Dr. William Kon Bior, a Lawyer, Dr. Chol Dau Diing, Member of Parliament and Deng Dau Malek, Chairman of the Commission of Veterans of War, Widows and Orphanages and others.

During their deliberation on the perturbing topic, the leaders unanimously repudiated the heading at the newspaper. On 5 August 2012, Mabior with his mother Nyandeng were seen meeting with President Salva Kiir Mayardit. The President had not unfolded to the public the content of their meeting, however, suggestions emerging from different sources stress that Nyandeng was outrageous with Alan Boswell, an American journalist of McClatchy Newspaper. Knowing socially her son, Nyandeng suspects that Boswell wants to exonerate himself from the wrath of the GOSS by making her son a scapegoat. Essentially, Boswell is in crisis with the GOSS after he claimed that an anonymous American Diplomat communicated to him that President Salva Kiir Mayardit had written “an apology letter” to his USA counterpart, Barrack Obama. The letter reiterates the reasons why he (Mayardit) first denied his military support to the SPLM/ North, when he had a meeting with him.  Reacting to this claim, Barnaba Marial Benjamin, a Minister of Information and Broadcasting and an official GOSS Spokesman described Boswell an ‘enemy of peace’.

One must acquiesce to the suspiciousness of Nyandeng to Boswell. His frequent writings on the issues related to south Sudan contain arrogance, lies, immorality and complete ignorance to the source of ethnic violence in African politics. A fair and a just journalist in anywhere at any time collects data from a political society and analyses them in conformity to the ethics of journalism. On many occasion(s) Boswell refrains from pursuing this moral obligation and shifts to the category of obscene language, sheer prejudice and stereotype against the leaders of South Sudan. For instance, he defines President Mayardit leadership as a ‘government of idiots……..rotten to the core’.  He, however, attempts to emancipate himself from this offensive rhythm and attaches the source of insults to Gerard Prunier, a French author who has published enormously about Sudan including the recent book ‘Darfur, Slow Genocide.  Having read his publications one remains equivocally skeptical on the attached insults to him. A scholar of such caliber cannot become so naïve to the extent of defining the government of other nation as a composition of ‘idiots’, meanwhile he is conscious that Mayardit regime came to existence through democracy.

B.      Mayardit, Democracy and ‘Idiots’.

 The inclusive mis-characterisation of the leadership of Mayardit as a composition of ‘idiots….rotten to the core’ does not conform to the political and social identity of President Mayardit. Religiously, Mayardit is a devoted-decent-dogmatic–Catholic-Christian striving to serve his people with good intentions. The essence of the emergence of political and economic corruption emanates from inherited weak institutions of which he endeavours everyday to rectify them gradually. Second, politically, Mayardit came to power through democratic pluralism and not coup d’état. Democracy is a moral approach of accessing power and its adherents are incompatible with the definitive description of being ‘idiots…….rotten to the core’. Such description is obscene and it displays Boswell as a malignant-immoral journalist and a foe of democracy and that characterizes him ‘an enemy of peace’. 

In addition, Boswell writings manifest dishonesty and complete hatred to the people of South Sudan in favour to the regime of Omer Hassan Al-Bashir of Sudan. This could be traced from his claim that Mitt Romney, a Republican nominee for the USA Presidential elections of backing South Sudan against Sudan and that does not astonish him “ since Richard Williamson and David Raad” have been Romney campaign advisors. This assertion represents his grave ignorance to the foreign policy of the USA. First, Democrats and Republicans both advocate moral principles of humanitarianism and democratic pluralism. The leadership in Sudan rejects these moral rights and inserts assimilation of African Muslim- Christian and Animists to build a racial and discriminating state based on the intertwined philosophy of Islamism-Arabism.

Two typical examples support this claim. First, Al-Bashir imposes ultra-Islamic orthodoxy on the moderate Muslims, Christians and Animists in Nuba Mountains and Ingessana Hills. Second, he unleashes genocidal militia from Arab origin, known as Janjaweed to discriminately kill the African ethnic identities in Darfur. Absence of religious freedom in political environment of Sudan and its promotion of genocide dictates any American political party in Washington to prefer working with South Sudan than Sudan. Both regimes share the category of doing global common good, defence and promotion of human rights universally and domestically.

C.      Conflict between human Rights Defenders and Violators

For Boswell, however, since Richard Williamson former Presidential Special Peace Envoy of President George W. Bush to Sudan and currently a member in the team of Romney campaign Advisor, then it is ‘no surprise’ to support South Sudan in expense of Sudan. In his political logic, the presence of Williamson in the campaign team is a symbolic reference that Romney stands with Juba against Khartoum. There is no any political demagogue in the USA, whether from the Democrats or Republicans that will accept the gross violations of human rights by Al-Bashir, except Boswell.

During his tenure as Presidential Peace Envoy to Sudan, Williamson stood firm in protection of those fundamental rights. In his report on the fate of the Dinka of Abyei area between the borders of the South and the North in an informal session of the UN Security Council, he said that on 16 May 2008, Sudanese army Brigade 31 attacked the Dinka Ngok town of Abyei. During the attack, the soldiers committed a deliberate and brutal killing of an unspecified number of the Dinka civilian population. Their residential homes were ransacked, looted and finally incinerated to ashes  Approximately.

Contrastively, Williamson had wanted the Abyei Protocol to be implemented, but Scot Gration, Obama’s Presidential Peace Envoy revived the signed and sealed protocol for r-negotiation. Gration’s revival could not be categorized as a unanimous political decision of the Democrats in power, but was his own inexperienced and little knowledge to conflict resolutions. Subsequently, his naivety, but it was his absurdity and that has emboldened Khartoum with impunity to reject implementation of the Arbitration Border Court decision on Abyei in The Hague.

Furthermore, Boswell claims that Romney’s political trajectory leans towards Mayardit regime in opposition to the regime of junta in Sudan. He argues that the presence of David Raad in the campaign of Romney is a clear reference that Romney favours South Sudan than Sudan. He figures out that Raad is a close friend to Mayardit who has invited him to build “security industries” in South Sudan. The revelation of a project which has not been started portrays Boswell as an ‘enemy’ to the territorial citizens of South Sudan.  The plan for constructing such industries is for the protection of the citizens in South Sudan. Why does Boswell write about the anticipated plan for security reason and unseal Al-Bashir invitation of Iranian military industries from public forum? Iran has built enormous military factories in Khartoum with aim to eradicate the people of South Sudan from their ancestry lands. Therefore, it is incumbent upon Mayardit to locally build military installations for the defence of the sovereignty and its population. 

For comments you can reach Kuel via email kueljok@yahoo.co.uk
Mabior Garang, son of South Sudan’s founder, blasts country’s leadership

BY ALAN BOSWELL

McClatchy Newspapers, August 31, 2012 

Mabior Garang, the oldest son of John Garang, the late South Sudanese rebel leader, has broken his family’s political silence and declared his opposition to the country’s leadership, another indication of the depth of concern over the direction of a country whose existence in one of the world’s most volatile regions depends on U.S. backing.

NAIROBI, KENYA — In a move that’s likely to shake the foundations of the world’s youngest nation, the eldest son of South Sudan’s founding hero has broken his family’s political silence and declared his opposition to the country’s leadership.

It’s another indication of the depth of concern over the direction of a country whose existence in one of the world’s most volatile regions depends on U.S. backing.

Mabior Garang has accused those who took power after the death of his father, guerrilla leader John Garang, in a 2005 helicopter crash of pulling a “posthumous coup,” and he urged others to speak out in opposition.

“My father is a fuel by which these people have been running, but they have actually gone against (him). They’ve done the opposite of what he was saying and what he was trying to do,” said the younger Garang, whose face is a tauter, youthful version of his late father’s. “I’m opposed to what’s happening. I don’t want to be guilty by association.”

In a lengthy interview with McClatchy in the Kenyan capital, Garang said the government had been trying to intimidate him into silence after he posted critical remarks on his Facebook page. He wore a sling on his right arm, the result of a recent assault in Juba, South Sudan, for which he blamed the president’s security service.

“I’m not worried, but I am in danger,” said Garang, who claims that he survived an attempt on his life in 2008. “I’ve already been attacked. My jaw is broken in three different places.”

The younger Garang’s decision to take his views public rolls back the curtain on one of the long-standing rifts within South Sudan’s ruling party. After independence, many of those close to John Garang were sidelined as President Salva Kiir shored up his own political base. That fault line remains, especially in the military.

Diplomats knew that South Sudan’s emotional march to independence superficially chalked over the young nation’s deep internal divisions. After independence, that solidarity was expected to splinter: in the best case into a multiparty democracy; in the worst case, civil war.

Nevertheless, the government has promoted the late rebel founder as a near-mythological, heroic figure. Garang founded the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in 1983 and led it until his death.

South Sudanese officials declared the anniversary of his death a national holiday – Martyr’s Day – and held their independence celebrations last year at the John Garang memorial, where they unveiled a new statue of the U.S.-educated political activist.

The young Garang was openly disdainful of the public displays honoring his father, gestures he views as disingenuous and hypocritical.

“They are fake statues,” he said. “The ones they made at independence were made out of cement, but (made) to look like copper. It was not even cast.”

In the interview, Garang offered a long list of grievances against the nation’s leaders, labeling them an authoritarian elite and part of a political culture that’s too comfortable with soliciting violence for power.

His family is especially upset by the public murder of a Kenyan teacher who was employed at the school his family runs. The teacher was killed in May by a member of the president’s personal militia because she didn’t stop driving as the South Sudanese flag was being raised. His family has hired lawyers to prosecute the case.

The two issues Mabior Garang kept returning to were corruption – “South Sudan is hemorrhaging money,” he said – and his belief that the country is being led by a weak ruler who fears the consequences of sidelining a brutal inner elite bent on power and wealth at all costs.

At one point in the interview, Garang said he thought that Kiir, whom he’s known since he was a child, when he called him “Uncle Salva,” was struggling between the angel and the demon on his shoulders.

“Like they show in the cartoons,” he said. Then Garang paused, and his voice dropped: “I think he fears for his life. I think he has lost the way.”

U.S. officials have seen Kiir as a unifying if flawed figure who lacks the natural leadership of John Garang. But Kiir appeared able to navigate South Sudan through its final path to independence, keeping internal divisions at bay.

Although the relationship between Kiir and President Barack Obama has faltered over South Sudan’s military activity along the border, Kiir is still seen as responsive to Western concerns. His order to the military in April to stop its offensive north into Sudan is one such example.

But the South Sudanese leader’s power has been increasingly questioned lately, with reports of discontent within the powerful army.

Garang said he opposed a military coup, and that he hoped instead for the government to reform until the next elections, expected in 2015. But he left open the possibility of a civil uprising against the leadership.

“I think change can come through pressure on the government,” he said. “If the army takes power, it should be a people’s coup, more so than a coup d’etat coming from the general headquarters.”

During the interview, Garang displayed a keen awareness of history and his role within it. He was careful to explain that his opinions about the country’s leadership weren’t new, but that speaking out earlier would have put him on the “wrong side of history” and opened up his family to charges of jealousy.

But since his father’s death seven years ago, “You start to get a crisis of conscience.”

The young Garang also expressed hope that his decision to break the political norms of South Sudan – which, as within many liberation movements, strongly discourages public dissension – will encourage his fellow countrymen to begin demanding a more accountable government.

As for himself, Garang said he was open to seeking political office someday. For now, he sees himself as just an activist.

He seemed unsure of the path ahead. During the interview, he made it clear that he saw the problems in South Sudan’s leadership as endemic, and at times he sounded despondent about the fate of the nation that was his father’s biggest legacy.

“Salva Kiir as a person is not the problem,” he said. “So changing Salva Kiir the person will not do anything. You might even bring a guy who is worse.”

Boswell is a McClatchy special correspondent. His reporting is underwritten in part by a grant from Humanity United, a California-based foundation that focuses on human rights. Email: aboswell@mcclatchydc.com; Twitter: @alanboswell

Read more here: http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2012/08/31/164561/mabior-garang-son-of-south-sudans.html#storylink=cpy

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