South Sudanese: The Enemy from Within
When the enemy is us, the masses unjustifiably suffer and we all lose. No one wins, not even those few tribalists who ride high on the waves of ethnic sentiment.
By Jack Lino Wuor Abeyi
South Sudan, many observers would argue, is a region which keeps falling into the abyss after every one brief period of relative peace. The sounds of gunshots do not die down long enough to make conflict resolution possible. Societies struggle to address the root causes of their problems, let alone pave ways for meaningful reconciliation. As a result, prospects for serious social and economic development remain illusively unattainable and hundreds of impoverished communities find themselves vulnerable to exploitation by warlords and forced into acquiesce.
When South Sudanese chose independence in 2011, many breathed a sigh of relief and hoped that the two nations could quickly shed their bitter past and forge friendly relationship among each other. This was the “two viable states” solution which many in western Capitals hailed and hoped it could bring about lasting peace.
However, the new political reality introduced its own unique challenges and hurdles, the two nations remained suspicion of each other of the other. Their expected race to better the lives of their impoverished citizens quickly turned into one over who could lead in various lists of world’s most corrupt, miserable and failed states.
A simple dispute over oil transit fees for South Sudan’s oil passage through Sudan dragged the two nations into short war in mid April 2012. The SPLA quickly captured the oil-rich Hejleg (known as Panthou in South Sudan). The world was shocked to see the then less than one year nation assertive and able to protect its interest. A few days later, President Salva Kiir finally responded positively to world pressure and ordered the SPLA to withdraw from the city, but not before it had defeated the Sudan’s Armed Forces in several successive battles. Few analysts could have imagined that those same forces will, in less then two years time, split across ethnic lines and shred each other apart in what could be a war between us and among us.
After the war, the government in Juba quickly made a painful decision to stop oil production. Western Capitals described the decision as suicide but nationalistic fever boiled among the citizens at home. It confirmed their long-held believe that Sudan was fighting then for decades to pillage their resources.
The citizens endured silently as their government implemented painful austerity measures to deal with shortage of money. Unscientific debates sprung in national circles about the feasibility and the need to quickly construct new pipelines to carry the nation’s oil through “friendly” nations rather than Sudan. One pipeline was planned to be pass through Kenya while the second through Ethiopia and Djibouti.
But realistically, such a massive project could take up to five years to construct and the government in Juba could not last all those years without reliable source of revenue. A year later, Juba finally reached a much favorable oil transit fee with Sudan. It gave green light to oil companies to extract oil and Khartoum honored its promise to allow uninterrupted oil passage.
When the citizens of Juba woke up on that warm and fateful Sunday morning of December 15th 2013, nothing seemed out of ordinary or deserved a worry. Bread-winners in every household shared a common burden of fulfilling the social demands of the fast approaching Christmas. Their innocent children expected a few new clothes, sweet treats, and if lucky, some simple toys. Putting bread on the table was yet another daily task.
The year of 2013 was finally concluding itself with all its hardships and many hopes for a better life in 2014. They had every reason to be hopeful; oil production was on a steady increase to its previous barrels levels before the crisis with Sudan. There were plans to increase production and dig new oilfields and work was on track to commission the nation’s first oil refinery. The locally refined fuel was going to be cheap and improve the economy. The austerity budget was scheduled to expire by the end of the year and a massive 2013-2014 budget was to roll in. All in all, the country was seen to have finally turned a corner and taking solid steps towards serious nation-building.
Previous few years of relative peace had enabled rapid economic development in Juba and some other large cities around the country. Massive private sector development and construction projects had transformed the capital of Juba from a small and militarized city when the SAF and its radical Mujahedeen were in control before 2005, into one of the world’s fastest growing cities. Its streets were filled with thousands of expensive vehicles and new suburbs were being designed, named and built in short time.
The rapid construction taking place in Juba was confirmed by President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda when he visited Juba on July 9, 2013 for the country’s second independence anniversary. In his speech to the excited crowd at the Dr. John Garang mausoleum in Juba President Museveni confessed that he was shocked by the rapid development taking place in the capital and recalled asking the pilot whether or not they were indeed flying over Juba.
The country was the destination of choice for many. Thousands of citizens from neighboring Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Eritreans, Somalis, Sudan continued to flood the capital and other cities. Many foreigners had managed to establish businesses or carve out lives for themselves.
Memories of the tragic events on December 15, 2013 and the following days will forever remain engraved in the minds of many citizens of Juba. The stories deferred from one person to another but all agree that what befall them was unfortunate, unexpected and regrettable. The sheer importance of the tragedy which had befallen the nation that evening deserves personal reflection.
I left home at 9:20 pm for a short errand in town. I drove along the main airport road and reached the mobile roundabout only to find that it was blocked from the direction leading to New York Hotel. I turned left and drove near the Juba Teaching Hospital. I remembered noticing the hospital’s emergency gate engulfed in frightening quietness, its dimmed lights sending eerie feelings of uncertainty. It did not seem to be the same, normally busy gates as during the day. Little did I know that those same gates were going to be buzzing with emotions and activities a few hours later; when fighting would claim hundreds of casualties and thousands of wounded.
I returned home at 10:10 pm and plugged my cell phone into its charger. I checked it at 10:38 and found two missed called from my younger brother. He had gone to hang out with a friend, Nuer, whose father was a government minister. I quickly returned the phone call and his voice came across, clear as never before, “You wouldn’t believe what’s happening now man! Sounds of heavy gunfight are coming from inside the Giyada (a large military headquarter south of the city). Civilians are running from the fighting while the Army is moving in.”
I was speechless for a while, struggling to digest the devastating news. I finally instructed him to stay in place and spend the night with his friend until we could assess the situation the following morning. I hung up the phone irritated, sighing and turned to my mother who was staring at me. “What’s happening?” she asked in the clear voice of a concerned mother. I responded in Dinka, “Tong achirot jot-war has begun.”
Tragedies have unique ways of testing people’s resolve and patience. As news of fighting spread across the city, people reacted differently. Some ran for cover under beds while others kneeled in sincere prayers to God for mercy. Most citizens became busy on their phones. They called anyone they could in hopeless quests to gather as much information as possible. Most of the trickling news however, was unverified claims and counter claims, lies and even products of confused imaginations.
However, two realities remained consistently true. First, whatever was unfolding was tragic, a gravely dangerous development which would change the history of the nation for years to come. Second, the heavy fighting inside Giyada was not a response to an invading foreign army, rather the infighting of the SPLA, a war between us and against us. The sound of heavy gunfight was not initially heard by many people living in Gudele, Muniki, 107, and other western suburbs but from midnight on, it became obvious that fighting was spreading to the main SPLA headquarters Bilpam all the way to the north side of the city. No one slept that entire night, frightening sounds of artillery and heavy weapons grew louder and louder. Citizens hoping to see a new day knew very well that the light would only bring a new set of worries and frightening realities.
When President Salva Kiir finally appeared on television the following morning, he was in full military regalia and surrounded by his entire cabinet. He quickly announced to the world that the heavy fighting which the city witnessed that previous night was a result of a military coup executed by forces loyal to former Vice-President, Dr. Riak Machar but that it was foiled by the SPLA. He also declared a daily curfew to be imposed across the entire city, from 6 pm to 6 am. This was meant to protect the citizen and allow security forces to clear the city from the remaining defecting forces. Security forces were also instructed to carefully handle and assist civilians who felt the need to go out for various emergencies during curfew hours.
However, the main United Nations camps in Juba were soon flooded by thousands of frightened internally displaced persons (IDP’s), most of whom were ethnic Nuer. They began arriving on Monday, December 16, 2013, often with empty hands and fearful hearts. Most of them were innocent civilians who never held a gun or showed an interest in political affairs. They had no political aspirations but longed held desires to live in peace. As days passed by, citizens of Juba adjusted their lives to the emergency military situation in the country.
However, the genie of insecurity had escaped out of the bottle and began to unleash its fury on various communities countrywide. Large cities of Bor, Malakal and Bentiu were all reduced into rubble and dust after just few weeks into the crisis as the warring parties fought for their control. Their skies were filled with armies of carnivorous birds so eager to feast on the carcasses of the dead. Their population deserted their homes to various U.N bases or bare jungles.
Gruesome footages of the carnage found their way into international media and rapid intervention from world powers was urgently required if much worse scenario was to be averted. China had been the main beneficiary of the oil deposits in the region but its toothless foreign policy made her unhelpful party in the traitorous road for peace.
Once again, the responsibility rested on the United States to exert pressure on the warring parties to end hostilities and reach peaceful settlement to the crisis. The visit by U.S. Secretary of State, John Kerry, with President Kiir on May 2nd 2014, in Juba sent clear message that Washington would not sit by idly while South Sudan descended into complete chaos.
Mr. Kerry spoke bluntly on what he called indicators for genocide. The U.S government was concerned that continued hostilities will enable the tribelists on both sides to gain more popularity and their hate-filled messages resonates well among the increasingly agitated youth. Retaliatory attacks between the Dinka and the Nuer, the two largest ethnic national groups would mean the demise of the nation for decades to come.
This gloomy possibility could also drag neighboring countries into what was going to be a bitter regional war. Uganda’s military support for the legitimate government in Juba made Sudan eager to support Dr. Machar’s rebels. Large parts of northern Uganda, north western Kenya as well as western parts of Ethiopia were all expected to be plunged into this conflict.
However, through Secretary Kerry’s short visit, in addition to the threat of personalized economic sanctions on both sides, the two warring parties recommitted themselves to peace and a broader road-map to end the crisis. A wise man once said that no one can harm you more than you can harm yourself.
Looking at the massive destruction taking place in the cities of Bor, Bentiu and Malakal, I wish they were committed by the Sudanese army. At least, we can easily explain them to our posterity inline with other unimaginable suffering our society endured in the previous wars. In those days, the pride of every freedom fighter was to count the numbers of battles he had fought against the Sudanese army.
Now when the enemy is us, what good could the Dinka and Nuer gain if they completely wiped out one another? How will perpetuators of this ethnic violence narrate their carnage? In what type of social circles will they be allowed to speak? What type of audiences will lend their ears to listen to stories of innocent women being raped, sick patients being dragged off their hospital beds and killed, lame persons being robbed of their stretchers and lives? Most importantly, how would they justify their attacks on innocent communities?
Many observers have explained this crisis to be one between Dinka and Nuer, or between the government and the rebels or even between those who push for dictatorship against others who espouse democratic reforms and the rule of law.
However, careful scrutiny shows this is a crisis between regressive forces of tribalism against progressive waves of nationalism. This crisis is being fuelled by a few tribalists on both sides who trade on the blood of the innocent for both financial gains as well as to assert their tribal dominance on others. Those whose children are not enlisted to fight or have immediate families among thousands of IDPs currently seeking refuge at various UN bases in the country or others forced to hide in harsh jungles, open to the elements and susceptible to communicable diseases like cholera.
Because these tribalists come from every social strata and ethnic backgrounds, they are found in government circles as well as rebel rankings. They enjoy presence among the highly educated elites of the society as well as the hopelessly illiterates. This is because it’s a disease which cannot be cured by education. The tribalists digress and take comfort in the thin shadows of their ethnic enclaves when threatened.
They also fear outside intervention and the threat of personalized economic sanctions should the crisis spiral out of control. That’s why they deny committing mass atrocities against civilians. We see them also hide behind the false excuses of state sovereignty, its sacrosanctity, even as it fails to protect its citizens.
Ironically, the tribalists’ plans are being frustrated by the peace loving and nationalist majority among us. This meaningless conflict has been rejected by most local communities in the country and hence the possibility for genocide is thus reduced. The SPLA remained intact and many defectors have returned to their units.
Local Dinka communities who share borders with Unity State have hosted displaced Nuer families and vowed to never harm them. These communities cultivated their traditional ideas of solidarity and harmony which made them nationalists of the highest order.
A true nationalist is an ethnic Dinka who can never condone the tragedy felt by our Nuer brothers and sisters in Juba on December 15, 2013 and subsequent days. Nor could we be happy as thousands of innocent Nuer men, women, children and elderly left their homes, government and country behind while making their way towards the UN camps in order to feel safe under the protection of multi-national troops in blue helmets rather than their own SPLA who fought to liberate them.
Similarly, a true nationalist is an ethnic Nuer who can never approve the raping of innocent Dinka women, hospital patients in Akobo, Bor, Malaka and Bentiu. A true nationalist is an ethnic Nuer who can never justify the use of local radio in Bentiu to spew ethnic hate messages to hunt every Dinka and moderate Nuer in town.
Moreover, a true nationalist is an ethnic Nuer soldier who adheres to the constitutional mandate of the SPLA, puts it into practice and maintains loyalty to the national army’s principle even as it fights the rebellion.
When the enemy is us, the masses unjustifiably suffer and we all lose. No one wins, not even those few tribalists who ride high on the waves of ethnic sentiment. The tribalists spew their venom in speeches full of derogatory words such as “Dinkarocy”, “Dinka kingdom”, “food -lovers”, “nyagad” and “mighty Nuer warriors”. For them, war must take wider ethic dimensions and should not stop until everyone from their opposing tribe is utterly destroyed.
Although the story of the region has been one of pain and endless suffering, our communities will overcome this hurdle, bury our dead and move on. We maintain a glimmer of hope and a flicker of light at the end of a dark tunnel. This is because the nationalists are gaining the upper hand and will win this war. If the cessation of hostilities is maintained and the refugees return back to their homes, if this conflict is solved through a more inclusive call for unity while bringing the perpetuators to justice, then the enemy will no longer be us. The genie of tribalism would be cast back into the bottle and a much just, united, and nationalistic South Sudan will then be born.
Jack Lino Wuor Abeyi is a researcher in Political Science and Sociology. A graduate of Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida, U.S.A. He can be reached at cush2008@yahoo.com
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