The social consequences of urbanization and urban vulnerability in South Sudan
8 min readBy Lino Lual Lual, Juba, South Sudan
June 27, 2016 (SSB) — The beginnings of peace in 2005 and the rapid pace of urbanization that followed have led to significant social changes. As one UN representative remarked, in 2005 that Juba was like an overgrown village within a time capsule where not much had changed since 1993, since then everything has accelerated. Juba has attracted significant numbers of people, both returning South Sudanese and foreigners, all with a diversity of backgrounds and life experiences. This, together with the advent of modern technologies such as mobile phones and the internet has brought about changes in many areas, including cultural norms, social networks and people’s relations to and perceptions of leadership, governance and peace.
Whilst people used to settle according to whether they were returning as refugees, IDPs or from a particular homeland, in many areas these distinctions are no longer apparent. In 2008, research into return and reintegration in South Sudan found that returnees from rural areas in Uganda and Kenya tended to be viewed as unsophisticated or uncivilized and non-Sudanese. It was found antagonism between people who had lived in areas controlled by the Khartoum Government and those who had lived in areas controlled by the SPLA or who had left for Uganda. Today there is much greater diversity.
Neighborhoods increasingly reflect the socio-economic status of their residents with the urban poor being progressively pushed towards the outskirts, and well-off residents concentrated in the centers. This shift is important from the perspective of social integration as well as political dynamics within Juba. As economic equalities increase, so the feeling grows amongst many urban poor that they are not benefiting from peace and economic growth. One boy commented to this author, that the CPA and independent of South Sudan has created discrimination, disunity, tribalism and nepotism. Soldiers I happen to interviewed stated that, they had had high hopes for the country during the war, but now they had become disillusioned by the government.
Residents also expressed resentment against foreigners, particularly Ugandans and Kenyans, for taking jobs and outcompeting South Sudanese traders. They were also accused of causing a growth in the number of drinking lodges and the emergence of commercial sex within Juba. While this might be true in some cases, it should be noted that commercial sex work makes an easy target for resentment.
One elder Man in Gudele 2 regretted the fact that young people no longer knew traditional songs and rites associated with weddings or funerals and in some instances did not know how to speak the language of their families’ original homes. The diversity of Juba’s population has meant, in the words of one woman, that there is now greater social freedom and acceptance of different traditions and cultural norms and opportunities for learning from each other. This is not restricted to women’s involvement in the economy. Furthermore, since Juba has become the new capital of Southern Sudan.
Young men explained that they could not easily entertain the idea of doing certain activities that Ugandan men were making a living from, such as plaiting hair and carrying water, were it not for the fact that it brings in a bit of money. One stated that suppose they could only do such businesses where no one could recognize them, as such activities are perceived to be womanly. The expectation that men marry and provide for their families is adding to feelings of frustration and stress. Confronted with high expectations from relatives and friends and an inability to deliver, in the words of a young man in Gumbo ‘life becomes difficult at every step you are expected to work, to get married and to have a family, these are too many expectations.
On the one hand, the break with tradition that has seen an increase in the number of single women, women earning an income and having a say in how they spend it and more broadly having a greater say in household matters, could be viewed as a process of empowerment. On the other hand, women are shouldering greater burdens and face greater economic pressures in addition to caring for their children. One local government official pointed to a trend for men, both husbands and older children, to ‘slip outside’ and leave the family due to the effects of unemployment.
Many people worried on the high levels of insecurity within Juba city as a major a key concern. Why did Juba remain relatively peaceful during the war with Sudan? Does it mean fighting insecurity within and on the outskirts of the town has worsened consider ability in Juba? The irony is not lost on people. As one young man in Lologo commented, ‘before the CPA there was security over South Sudan and within Juba. Now there is no security, is this the meaning of freedom?
Another man residing in Thong Piny stated that: ‘Before the peace the enemy was definite. Now, in comparison the enemies are many and unknown. Women are drinking a lot … both husband and wife drink and then start fighting. Drinking amongst youth and soldiers is also widespread. Soldiers were mentioned as greatly contributing to insecurity after spending afternoons in drinking lodges, refusing to pay for goods at the market, sexual and harassment.
The South Sudan Police Service has officially been in charge of public order within Juba since 2012, when responsibilities were handed over from the SPLA. Both police officers and residents report that crime is on the rise. Cases are most frequently related to conflict over land, although murder, theft and forgery also feature prominently. The majority of areas in Juba have no police presence. Security provision was defined for one man as a strategy of managing things at your own risk.
However, in Gumbo the presence of soldiers residing there was seen as positive and a deterrent to problems such as theft. Youth gangs are an international phenomenon in developed, transitional and developing contexts, including Chicago, Los Angeles, Rio de Janeiro, Belfast, Kingston, Lagos and Mogadishu. In Juba, little effort has been made to engage with these groups. A few years ago they were much more visible and would even hold parties at one of Juba’s main hotels. However, it seems many have now taken to the outskirts of town following the minister of interior efforts to crack down on crime.
Disenfranchised, economically and socially excluded urban youth may engage in violent activities, whether criminal or political. In Central America and the Caribbean, governments have often responded through military- and police-led campaigns. Where the impacts of rapid urbanization and poverty have been particularly severe, many young men from marginalized communities join gangs as a form of extended family and as a mechanism to provide economic and social values not found in mainstream society. Furthermore, in urban areas where young men have lost touch with their families and rural support networks, gangs or armed groups may offer camaraderie and support as an alternative to a family unit. The emergence of gangs therefore cannot simply be explained in resource terms, nor as a manifestation of anti-social behavior and a security threat.
In Nyakuron and Lologo in particular, residents described a far more nuanced and complex picture. As one group of men in Lologo explained: ‘Some join just for fun and the music, and adopt just the culture and style of dressing, others also become thieves. The determining factor was whether parents were able to support their children or whether young people had families to turn to for support. In some cases, parents encourage their children to join because they can help support the family.
As one woman in Lologo explained: ‘children who have joined [gangs] are now wearing good clothes and some have even bought vehicles. So it’s becoming difficult to argue they should drop out, as they can earn a living. Gangs have formed after seeing how members in other groups benefit. Some include ‘clusters of rich boys who have vehicles, weapons and connections. The clusters of poor youth use pangas and razor blades. Their families are poor. They feel social injustice when seeing such big differences and also want their share.
Two groups, the Niggaz and the Outlaws, operate across several areas in Southern Sudan, including Wau. The Niggaz and the Outlaws were formed in 2009 by a group of young South Sudanese refugees in Cairo. The Egyptian authorities expelled them and sent them back to Southern Sudan. Other groups based in Juba include Black Cross, Donkey Star, Kashami, 2Pac and 50 Cents. All these groups are influenced by the music and dress adopted by stars such as 2Pac and 50 Cents. Both women and men join. As one woman in Lologo explained: ‘during the day, you cannot know who is who, but at night they dress according to which group they belong to. Gang groups are alleged to have links with influential individuals within the military and police force and lie behind much of the organized crime in Juba.
The business community is particularly vulnerable as both their shops and homes are targeted, as are boda boda drivers. This makes the price of doing business very high, which could be a contributing factor to inhibiting longer-term investment. Some groups are highly structured in terms of membership and leadership.
If someone decides that they want to join, they register with the leader who will assign them to one of several sub-groups, where they will be taught the ‘gang rules’, including what proportion of stolen goods have to be passed on to the leader and how much can be kept. During the day, members are sent out to scout businesses and find out how they store their daily cash income, with robberies taking place at night.
On one occasion, it was reported that some members of the group had tried to cheat the leader out of the commission from a robbery, resulting in them being pointed out to the police and subsequently arrested. Respondents reported that the leader also had the power to take someone out of prison if he so wished.
The author is a master of strategic studies at the Centre for Peace and Development Studies University of Juba, He can be reached via Linolual69@yahoo.com
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