PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd – South Sudan

"We the willing, led by the unknowing, are doing the impossible for the ungrateful. We have done so much, with so little, for so long, we are now qualified to do anything, with nothing" By Konstantin Josef Jireček, a Czech historian, diplomat and slavist.

Why Albino Bol Thinks that South Sudan National Youth Union (SSNYU) is his Personal Property

By Zechariah Makuach Maror, Juba, South Sudan

Friday, 27 May 2022 (PW) —  On the 20th – 22nd December 2010, the former Minister of Culture, Youth, and Sports, Makuach Teny, was the guest of honour at the Southern Sudan Youth Summit, which many refer to as the South Sudan Youth Summit, in the summit, youths resolve to form an independent body that acts as a watchdog of youths’ interest in an already anticipated gerontocratic base political society. Minister force-effect the resolutions of that conference by appointing a provisional committee headed by Stephen Puoch as Provisional President of the Youths Union. The aim was to prepare for the election, but for the reason known to Puoch, he failed to organize the election.

Pouch eventually rebelled in the 2013 Kiir-Riek War and was succeeded by Agel Riing Machar, who was later on implicated by Dr Albino Bol Dhieu, who surreptitiously recorded his private conversation and reported him to the National Security Services, a mystery event that prompted Agel to end up running for the position of SPLM-IO Secretary-General in Pagak.  Lam Tungwar Kucgwang, the former President of the South Sudan Music Industry, was appointed as a provisional President in 2015 to conduct an election, which he successfully conducted. Dr Albino Bol was elected as the Union’s first president after narrowly defeating Lino Ajang Ajang, a wealthy man who, if you meet him, you could imagine he has a tree full of ripe money in his mother’s house yard, the guy is rich; despite Lino Ajang richness, he has lost to Albino due to his bad history of leadership in the University of Juba student union. Unlike rich Ajang, Bol was a bit poor and had lost his limb to a puff-adder bite at an earlier age, but both are public orators.   Other candidates who declined were Shadrack Chol, Kennedy Ganiko and Kuch Mayur amongst others. Among the delegates, it should be mentioned that Dr John Sebit was a driving force behind Albino Bol’s success.

Given the circumstances of the election and the atmosphere of the time, the campaign between Abino Bol and Lino Ajang had nothing to do with national moral fibre, rather a rivalry between two giant boys of Northern Bahr el Ghazal State, as Lino Ajang was backed by the then SPLA Chief of General Staff, Paul Malong Awan, and Albino Bol was backed by General Akol Koor Kuc, director-general of the National Security Service’s Internal Security bureau in coalition with some Aweil elders who fallout with Malong Awan, it should be recalled that Clement Wani Konga, the former governor of central Equatoria State has also played a financial role in Albino Bol success.

Dr Albino Bol was misled by his group shortly after winning the elections, notably by Dr John Sebit Madit, his campaign manager, who controlled the establishment of the office, giving himself a finance docket as a prize for his unending efforts as well as paying other colleague doctors whom he shares the same sentiment. Albino’s office resembled a medical school; most of the new and old medical graduates were appointed as Secretaries; if you visited the National Youth Union office at the time, you could not fail to recognise that it is a medical laboratory.

Many people despised John Sebit since he was accused of handpicking Dr Albino in the wrong direction, one council member said: “they walk together, sit together and eat together, maybe they sleep together.”  Shortly after that suspicion, many people began to forsake Dr Albino Bol; the Secretary of Information, Dr Ayak Chol Deng Alaak, was the first to resign, followed by an exodus of executives. Albino decided to cease his material friendship with John Sebit Madit; he stepped in to fill the position of finances secretary with himself by following through on a pledge made by a certain businessman to donate money to the Union. Bol collected the money without Dr John Sebit’s knowledge, which caused a rift in their friendship after John Sebit uncovered it.  Sebit decided to resign, but Bol persuaded him to drop the resignation and promise to work with him honestly, telling him that something like this will never happen again.  After Sebit decided to drop his resignation, Bol issued a decree dismissing John Sebit from his job as finance secretary.  The humiliation John Sebit Madit regrets up to date.

Albino Bol’s leadership, after the resignation of executives and dismissal of John Sebit, has gone reversibly; his four years in office were particularly thorny for the youths, particularly potential youths whom he sees as a threat because of their ideas. Albino Bol is best described as a guy who is encircled by himself; ego cannot be the best illustration of a man who does not look beyond his nose. Because of his hypocrisy, the man believes he is smarter than any other man on the planet, and of course, he is.

He employed split to rule policies among the youths, encircling himself with a few weak political teenagers who appeased him and turning against his peers who brought him to power. He sold his fellows in Juba for legitimacy during the time of war. He divided the University of Juba students Union into “Us” and “They,” mistreating his staff and denying them access to the Union’s financial activities. Albino Bol rose to the position of President and Secretary for everything in the SSNYU shortly after initiating split to rule policy; while Simon Machuar Manhkerachnaak, who was not a member of the council, became his right-hand man and borderless advisor. They managed to turn the SSNYU into a blood-lubricant irreversible machine that grinds money through the blood of the people. The Union, the Albino Bol locomotive, was simply driven by two sororities joined together by burgle. In other words, the National Youths Union’s office has taken on a new function as a National Security Service informant attaché, tasked with identifying residents suspected of being De facto Paul Malong Awan supporters.

Albino Bol was without office space in the entire organized city of Juba, and the landlords kicked SSNYU out three times for not adhering to the conditions of the leasing agreement. Albino Bol resorted to turning his vehicle into a mobile office, complete with stamps, rim papers, laptops, and printers, as he just types, prints, and stamps documents while driving on the lookout for cash.

It is during this search for money advantaged by the fallout of Gen. Malong Awan, that made Albino Bol meets President Salva Kiir Mayardit. Upon meeting Kiir, he breaks the coolest ice ever broken, he convinces him that he is the most influential youth leader whose youths love and that he can mobilize youths to fight alongside the Kiir regime. He went on to say that he is war disabled and that he was shot while fighting for the people of South Sudan during Arab war days. President Kiir was unquestionably convinced and trusted Albino as the youths’ Messiah, and the two had exchanged secret contact to keep in touch and future meeting without obstacles.

Albino was battling everyone: the minister of youth, culture, and sports, the SPLM Secretary-General, and the SPLM Youth League. National Security was his sole friendliest institution. As of March 2019, youngsters were yelling over who would be courageous and catch the buffalo by the horn. Simon Machuar Manhkerachnaak was the first person to publicly demand Albino Bol’s terms be extended. This caused the youths to file a petition to the minister, requesting that she intervene by removing Albino using her ministerial powers.  At the time, the minister of culture, youth, and sports, Dr Nadi Arop Dudi was ill and receiving treatment in Khartoum. Anger and hate outbursts erupted on social media between Albino Bol supporters and liberal youths.

Albino Bol’s term ended in March 2019, and there has been discussion on social media regarding what should be done as Dr Albino is less prepared to handle the election. He claimed to have handed the election budget to the ministry of culture youths and sports; however, the director of youths at the ministry later stated that the budget was clumsy and exaggerated and that it was not intended for conducting elections, but rather a ploy to buy for an extension.

Albino Bol and his chief strategist, Simon Machuar Manhkerachnaak, walked in to strategize while the youths were deciding what course of action to be taken. Their first strategy is to respond to social media youths’ coordinated campaigns against Albino. They decided to open many social media accounts that advocated for the extension of Albino’s terms. The fake Facebook accounts will act in a lieu of the youth general assembly, feigning the attention of the ministry of youths, cultures, and sports, as well as the office of the President of the Republic, that Albino is still popular among the youths.

The second strategy was to use the money to act as political fishing bait, luring young students from universities into his empty camp. The first three persons to be lured in by this act were;  Peter Portsix Bakuony, Gatluak Bol Dhieu and Ador Deng Ador, a Hooligan who later on assaulted and tortured Akol Maduok, simply Akol had celebrated Albino Bol’s removal, he also resorts to recruiting clueless youths, as Albino is adept at persuading those who are unfamiliar with him. To do this, Albino had to borrow money from Afriland First Banks, the loan that later on ends up as a police case between him and the Bank. The third method is to spread propaganda that individuals who oppose him are rebels with a plan to overthrow the government and that he was hated due to his true loyalty to President Kiir.

John Sebit Madit, Bol’s close friend turned foe, convened the meeting in his house in Juba Na Bari, where youths came to assess the situation. They decided to present a petition to the ministry of youth, calling for Abino Bol’s removal and the formation of a preparatory committee, while the minister was receiving treatment in Khartoum. The petition has gone unanswered for more than weeks, prompting many youths to call for public protests, which could upset the big man in J1. As the climax grew and media discontent grew, the same NSS whose Albino Bol had been hoping for assistance sensed the risk and pressured the minister to quit treatment and return to Juba to resolve the matter.

Due to their long sour relationship, the minister of cultures, youths, and sports was not pleased with Albino, and chief strategist Simon Machar had already detected that he began to refer to her as a whore corrupt minister. This has aggravated an existing injury. Without hesitation, the minister dissolves Albino Bol’s office and entire councils and appoints a preparatory committee chaired by Bak Athian. The preparatory committee’s major official task was to raise finances and organise the convention. At first, Bol did not believe the ministerial order is true, he terms the orders as first-April fool day since orders were announced on 1st, April 2019. The minister’s directive is immoral, unconstitutional, and politically motivated by hatred, according to Albino Bol. He continued to refer to himself as a respectable youth leader and began a political campaign against the preparatory committee.

Because Albino Bol was trusted in j1, the committee spent more than two months solely working on legitimization; that is until President Salva Kiir called Albino Bol and told him to concede the ministerial order in exchange for future rewards. Albino did not officially retract his affidavit of antagonism; instead, he kept a low profile and allowed his supporters to continue to chevalier the preparatory committee. The committee spent more than six months fighting for legitimacy to hold elections as a result of Albino’s campaign. At last, the convention was successful, with Gola Boyoi Gola being elected as the second democratically elected chairman.

Abino Bol continued to substitute his de-campaign to less popular, Gola Boyoi Gola, as he did with his predecessors. Until he is appointed as the minister of youth and sports, many people tried to help him and the union resolve their differences, but their efforts were ignored by Bol. Instead, he used his ministerial powers to expand his camp through the SPLM youth league, which is being led by one of his new puppets, Daniel Abocha Ali. Since he was elected, Gola Boyoi has inadvertently appeared in a blackmailed manner in some articles written by Albino Bol supporters; in fact, Gola is a politically inexperienced individual who is driven by his desire for development, but he has a problem deciding where to begin; he is also suffering from a misalignment of priorities that can out-smart his opponents. Albino had an advantage to level on him all sorts due to his early formation of the office based on patronage.

Recently Albino Bol’s ministerial orders to suspend Gola Boyoi have nothing to do with Gola having breached the laws but a hint of vengeance, simple envy of the man upset by his successor’s advancement in addressing youth problems. Bol is envious that he was unable to have a greater impact on the institution during his time. As I stated above, Bol is a man who only trusts himself, particularly his tongue; according to him, his tongue can accomplish anything money can. He can steal the show even when it isn’t his, and whatever he does must serve his interest, his previous victory over many youths as well as his appointment as minister of youths and sports in Revitalise Government of National Unity gave him an illusion, leading him to believe that he has monopolized the political power of youths in South Sudan.

The distinction between Albino Bol’s suspension by Nadia Arop Dudi and Gola Boyoi’s suspension by Albino Bol is that Albino Bol’s term has expired, whilst Gola is suspended when he still has a one-year term valid. Second, unlike the recent suspension of Gola, which was only tied to a letter purportedly written by him to the heads of another state, the suspension of Albino Bol was a popular demand of the youths as proven by the petition filed by the youths in March 2019. Third, Albino has failed to exhaust all local options by disputing the authenticity of the alleged letters, which Gola has consistently denounced compared to the suspension of 2019 which was recommended by the political division of NSS.

Albino Bol’s dishonesty has long ensnared youths, and youths should be aware that Bol’s assault on the current leadership of SSNYU is both an irrational attack on the youngsters and democracy. Young people should not blindly back dangerous individual who is willing to destroy the modest institution that liberal youths rescued from him in 2019. You may have a personal beef with the present cast of SSNYU, but it should not lead you to fight your interests. The remaining tenure of Gola Boyoi is less than one year, why don’t we wait for a formal election?  Why is always Dr Albino Bol at the heart of youths’ crisis? Is he the only capacitated youth in South Sudan? And why is he always fighting everyone that comes to the union? These are the question we should be asking ourselves as youths, otherwise, the silence of youths on this makes Albino Bol think SSNYU is his personal property.

We should be mindful that Albino Bol is a great blackmailer who wants to boost his camp by cockfighting the national youth’s union councillors, that is, he wants to profit from the SSNYU deputy chair and deputy Secretaries’ recent departure. He desired to morph them into anti-Union missiles capable of annihilating Gola in a matter of minutes. He wants to kill two birds with one stone, that is Gola and his recent fired subordinates; Albino is no longer for Union but to kill it; the man is a two-edged sword capable of cutting even the owner.

The writer is an activist and could be reached via zeemakuach@hotmail.com

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