From Revolutionaries to Politicians: Why Do African Freedom Fighters Fail to Provide Once in Power?
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Baba Africa, Lual Diing Wol, during the war of liberation, in Kidepo in 1992
By Tito Tong John, Nairobi, Kenya
Sunday, 08 July 2024 (PW) – As South Sudan marks the 13th anniversary of its independence on 9th July 2024, it is fitting to reflect on the trajectory of liberation movements across Africa. The world’s youngest nation, born from the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement’s (SPLM) long struggle against Khartoum, now grapples with the harsh realities of self-governance. The jubilation that filled the streets of Juba on July 9, 2011, feels like a distant memory. This somber reflection isn’t unique to South Sudan; it echoes across much of Africa, where former liberation movements have transitioned from freedom fighters to ruling parties, often with mixed results.
Many of these liberation movements, which developed as militant groups fighting against colonial rule in the 1950s through the early 1980s, have become a permanent fixture in Africa’s political landscape. The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), Uganda’s National Resistance Movement (NRM), Angola’s People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), Mozambique’s Liberation Front (FRELIMO), South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC), Zimbabwe’s Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (Zanu PF), and Tanzania’s Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) have governed their countries and dominated both domestic and regional politics since the dawn of political self-government.
For instance, the SPLM has been in power since 2005, the NRM since 1986, the MPLA since 1975, FRELIMO since 1975, Zanu PF since 1980, and the ANC since 1990. However, the transition of these movements from militant and radical outfits fighting colonial powers to governing parties has been far from successful. Decades after assuming power in their respective countries, there is precious little to show in terms of socio-economic development and democracy. While some made significant strides in expanding critical public services such as housing, education, health, agriculture, and water sanitation in the early stages of their rule, progress has stalled, and the post-colonial project has derailed.
Most liberation movements have become synonymous with authoritarianism, corruption, incompetence, nepotism, impunity, entitlement, and greed. The SPLM, NRM, Zanu PF, CCM, and MPLA have maintained their grip on power through violence, intimidation, and election rigging, effectively closing the political space for dissent. Though they initially fought for democracy, these former liberation movements have become the primary obstacles to it in their countries.
Countries under their rule have been in a permanent state of crisis, condemning their citizens to abject poverty due to mismanagement and corruption. One striking feature across these liberation movements is their transformation into mechanisms of personal enrichment and primitive accumulation. Senior figures and their cronies have personalized national resources, monopolizing wealth at the expense of the masses. Their affluent and lavish lifestyles starkly contrast with the deteriorating socio-economic conditions the masses have endured for decades.
In South Sudan, state capture by the SPLM elite has reportedly cost the country around half a trillion US Dollars. Continued looting and plundering are enabled by their sense of entitlement and impunity. Many feel above the law, believing their countries owe them for the sacrifices made during the fight for self-government. The judiciary, legislative, and law enforcement institutions have not been able to hold them accountable.
As a result, liberation movements have increasingly become unpopular, winning rigged elections by slim margins. To justify their hold on power, they often deploy historical narratives, claiming they brought freedom and democracy for the masses and deserve to govern. Another common narrative is that if they are voted out, their countries will become colonies again, labeling opposition parties and dissenting voices as sellouts and enemies of the state to justify violence against them.
The masses are asked to remain forever grateful for being rescued from colonialism and apartheid, but this narrative is losing its appeal. Unlike the older generation, the new generation of young Africans is not emotionally attached to liberation movements. Soon, these movements will need new sources of legitimacy to retain support. The Communist Party of China (CPC) is a model African liberation movements can look up to. While the CPC also emerged from a liberation struggle, it has not become trapped in history. The CPC draws its legitimacy not from its role in liberating the Chinese people but from its ability to deliver economic development and growth, eliminating extreme poverty and embarking on a successful modernization program.
As South Sudan reflects on its 13 years of independence, and as other African nations led by former liberation movements face similar challenges, it’s clear that a new approach is needed. African liberation movements must find new narratives and sources of legitimacy rather than clinging to their past roles in fighting colonialism. The future of millions of Africans depends on their ability to transition from liberation fighters to effective governors, capable of delivering the prosperity and democracy they once promised.
The author, Tito Tong John, holds a bachelor’s degree in philosophy from the Catholic University of Eastern Africa in Nairobi, Kenya. He is pursuing a Master of Business Administration with a specialization in Human Resources Management at the same institution. He has previously worked with various radio institutions under the Catholic Radio Network in South Sudan and now regularly writes opinion pieces for the Dawn Newspaper and PanLuel Wel. To contact him, you can reach him at his email address: tongkhamisa446@gmail.com.
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