A Gender Analysis of the Proposed TEYA Constitutional Amendments

By Ms. Aluel Manyok Barach Atem, Nairobi, Kenya

Monday, 27 July 2026 (PW) — The proposed amendments to the Twic East Youth Association-Juba (TEYA) Constitution have generated significant discussion across the Twic East community, particularly online. While the amendments touch on several aspects of the Constitution, much of the public conversation has centred on one issue: the proposed formal integration of Nyan Cit Arialbeek (NCA) into TEYA’s governance structure.While some see this as a positive step,  others worry that it weakens the independence of an institution that has grown into a strong platform for girls’ and young women’s leadership.

I understand both perspectives. However, I believe the more important constitutional question is not whether NCA should be formally integrated into TEYA, but whether the proposed amendments actually change the conditions that have historically made TEYA a male-dominated institution. 

Representation alone is not institutional transformation

NCA was not created because girls and young women wanted to separate themselves from TEYA. It was created because TEYA itself recognized that girls and young women did not have a county-wide platform through which they could organize, elect leaders, and build a collective voice beyond payam-level platforms. The proposed amendments respond to that history by formally integrating NCA into TEYA’s constitutional governance structure through Article 9. But integrating NCA into TEYA is not the same thing as transforming TEYA itself.

If the original challenge was that girls and young women did not have equal opportunities to participate and lead within TEYA, then the more fundamental question remains: where, within these amendments, is TEYA itself becoming more gender equitable?

Where does TEYA itself become more gender equitable?

Take the Executive Committee, for example. The proposed Constitution provides that where the party Chairperson candidate is male, the Deputy Chairperson should be female, and vice versa. That is a positive attempt to encourage gender balance at the highest level of leadership during party nominations. Beyond that provision, however, the Constitution provides no clear mechanism for ensuring that women are meaningfully represented across the remaining influential positions within the Executive.

In practice, and based on TEYA’s history, it is not difficult to imagine an Executive where the Chairperson, Secretary General, Treasurer and all other secretaries remain men, while the Gender Adviser and the NCA representatives become the principal women leaders within the Executive. Such an arrangement may improve representation, but it would not necessarily redistribute influence or decision-making power.

A similar concern arises within the Council. Historically, our Payam Youth Associations have largely mirrored TEYA itself. Leadership at that level has overwhelmingly been male. Unless those structures also become more gender inclusive, the Council is likely to remain predominantly male, with the NCA Chairlady becoming one of the few consistent voices representing girls and young women.

This is the same within the Constitution’s electoral bodies. Articles 15 and 18 establish the Independent Electoral Committee and the Electoral Dispute Resolution Committee, two of the most important institutions within any democratic organization. They are responsible for administering elections and resolving electoral disputes, yet the Constitution does not establish a clear principle of gender balance within these bodies. While Article 18 requires female membership, both institutions could remain overwhelmingly male while still complying with the Constitution.

All these amendments suggest that the Constitution relies primarily on the formal inclusion of the NCA to advance gender equality rather than embedding gender equality across TEYA’s own structures.

Equal rights on paper do not always mean equal opportunities or meaningful participation

One argument I have heard repeatedly throughout this debate is that young women have the right to contest TEYA leadership positions in exactly the same way as young men. That is true and they should. However, this problem is not addressed by formally integrating NCA into TEYA’s governance structures. Anyone who has observed TEYA elections knows that leadership requires much more than simply meeting the constitutional qualifications.

Campaigns demand resources, time, mobility, visibility, networking, coalition-building and sustained engagement. Candidates spend long hours attending meetings, lobbying supporters and building political alliances. Those expectations do not affect young women and young men in the same way. Many young women continue to carry significant responsibilities for care, family and household work alongside their public commitments. Others navigate social expectations that discourage visibility in political leadership or place greater scrutiny on women who seek public office. This is all in addition to the fact that we are a deeply patriarchal community with a strong preference for male leadership. These realities do not mean young women are less capable of leading TEYA. They mean the political playing field is not equal and integrating NCA in TEYA structures does not address these structural challenges. 

I recognize that there are young women who have all it takes to compete successfully within TEYA. Their leadership should be celebrated because they demonstrate what is possible. However, they remain the exception, not the reality for most young women. A Constitution should not assume that because some women overcome structural barriers, those barriers no longer exist.

Why NCA autonomy matters

This is where I believe the conversation about NCA requires deeper reflection. The value of NCA has never been that it exists separately from TEYA. Its value lies in what its autonomy has made possible. NCA was established because girls and young women needed a dedicated county-wide platform through which they could organize, elect their own leaders, and build a collective voice. Over the years, it has demonstrated that girls and young women are not only capable of participating in leadership, but of governing and sustaining their own institution. The current and previous NCA leaders have shown that, when trusted and supported, girls and young women can successfully organize, mobilize, manage programs, and represent their peers.

Constitutional reform should recognize and build on that institutional growth and maturity instead of reducing it. An autonomous NCA provides something that TEYA alone cannot. It creates a dedicated space where girls and young women can develop confidence, organize collectively, contest leadership, govern institutions, resolve challenges, and practice leadership among themselves. These experiences become the foundation from which many young women later aspire to higher leadership at the state level, nationally, and even internationally.

The autonomy of NCA complements TEYA’s efforts. Girls and young women continue to participate fully within TEYA while also benefiting from an institution specifically designed to nurture their leadership. Here autonomy functions as a gender equity mechanism, not a barrier to inclusion.

Autonomy also expands opportunities. There are many leaders programs, partnerships, and funding opportunities outside of the stretched community resources that exist specifically to support organizations led by girls and young women. NCA, as an autonomous institution, can engage directly with those opportunities while continuing to contribute to TEYA’s broader mission. Fully incorporating it into TEYA’s executive structures risks weakening those institutional qualities that have enabled it to grow. Constitutional reform should preserve and strengthen that role instead of reducing it to a representative arm for girls and young women within TEYA’s governance structure.

TEYA remains the primary political institution for many young women

While NCA provides an important platform for girls’ and young women’s leadership, it is equally important to recognize that TEYA remains the primary political institution for many young women. The current NCA membership is open to all Twic East girls and young women, but its leadership is limited to unmarried young women, as it has been so far. Many young women who marry while still falling within TEYA’s constitutional definition of youth will naturally continue to exercise their youth political leadership through TEYA itself.

For that reason, strengthening NCA cannot become a substitute for transforming TEYA. The responsibility for advancing gender equality cannot rest primarily with one institution while the Association’s own governance structures remain largely unchanged. This means TEYA itself must become an institution where young women can participate, influence decisions, and lead throughout their youth, regardless of whether they come through NCA or directly through TEYA’s own structures as their main political home. 

Autonomy must be reflected in constitutional design

If the Constitution intends to preserve NCA as an autonomous institution, that autonomy should be reflected not only in principle but also in the way the Constitution allocates authority, recognition and resources.

One example is the administration of NCA elections. An autonomous institution should derive its legitimacy from its own members and constitutional processes. Constitutional provisions that require the approval or appointment of key aspects of NCA’s electoral process by TEYA’s leadership undermine that autonomy. Collaboration between institutions is important, but collaboration should not come at the expense of institutional independence.

The same principle applies to institutional recognition. Constitutions communicate values not only through powers and responsibilities but also through protocol. The status accorded to leaders during official functions reflects how institutions are viewed within the constitutional order. If the Constitution recognizes NCA as an important institution for girls’ and young women’s leadership, its leadership should be accorded institutional recognition that reflects that importance, which the current protocol amendment does not.

Resources are equally important. The Constitution assigns responsibilities to NCA that require county-wide organizing, elections, and leadership development. Those responsibilities should be matched with an equitable allocation of resources. 

What is the nature of the current debate teaching young girls?

One of the most encouraging developments in recent years has been seeing more Twic East girls and young women step into public leadership. The current NCA leadership, like those before them, has demonstrated what is possible when girls are trusted with responsibility and supported to lead. 

Like every leader, they should be open to criticism and accountability because that is part of democratic leadership. But accountability should not become an excuse for personal attacks, ridicule, or the questioning of someone’s dignity. If every girl who dares to lead Twic learns that ambition will be met with humiliation, insults, and endless questioning of her place, what message are we sending to the many Twic East girls who are watching? The constitutional reforms we adopt today should encourage more girls to step forward with confidence, not make leadership feel like a nightmare.

Recommendations

As the Current Experts Review Committee reviews the proposed amendments, I offer the following recommendations for consideration, given that this is about gender expertise as much as it is about legal expertise. 

1. Embed gender equality across TEYA’s own institutions. Gender equality should be reflected throughout TEYA’s constitutional design instead of mostly relying on the integration of the NCA. This includes the Executive Committee, the Council, other committees, the Independent Electoral Committee and the Electoral Dispute Resolution Committee. The responsibility for advancing gender equality belongs to TEYA as a whole.

2. Preserve the constitutional autonomy of NCA as an institution for girls’ and young women’s leadership. NCA has evolved beyond being simply a representative structure or a “young women’s wing” within TEYA. It has become an institution that nurtures girls’ and young women’s leadership, builds confidence, develops governance experience, and prepares future leaders in Twic East and beyond. The Constitutional reform should preserve and strengthen that role while ensuring meaningful coordination and collaboration with TEYA, perhaps primarily through the council.

3. Ensure that autonomy is reflected in governance arrangements. If NCA is an autonomous institution, its governance arrangements should reflect that principle. Leadership legitimacy should derive from its own constitutional processes, and its institutional status, decision-making authority, and official recognition should be consistent with the girls’ and women’s empowerment the Constitution seeks to protect.

4. Guarantee an equitable constitutional allocation of resources to NCA. NCA’s responsibilities should be matched with adequate resources. A minimum allocation that reflects the scale of county-wide organizing, elections, and leadership development would demonstrate TEYA’s genuine constitutional commitment to investing in girls’ and young women’s leadership. 10% is too small for county-wide electoral processes.

These reflections are offered in the spirit of strengthening TEYA and contributing to a Constitution that serves both the present and future generations of Twic East youth. The proposed amendments present an important opportunity to think carefully about the kind of institution TEYA aspires to become. While expanding the participation of girls and young women is essential, constitutional reform should also preserve the institutions that have already demonstrated their value in cultivating their leadership. An autonomous NCA and a more gender-equitable TEYA are not competing visions; they are complementary ones that empower Twic East more.

My hope is that, as the General Assembly deliberates on these amendments soon, the conversation moves beyond the question of whether NCA should sit within TEYA’s structures or not to a broader constitutional question: how do we build institutions that genuinely expand leadership, share power and create lasting opportunities for Twic East girls and young women?

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