Lessons from the Formation of Greater Pibor Administration
6 min readBy Malith Alier, Juba
What started as an electoral dispute has taken a different turn. The President has decreed it in law on 30.07.2014 (SSTV). It is history in the making. The Greater Pibor Administrative Area (GPAA) which nobody contemplated is now a reality before all South Sudanese, thanks to a clerical figure in the person of David Yau Yau. All the Murle and others in the area were jubilant on the day it came to pass. There was dancing, ululations and merriment not only in Pibor area but also in Juba, the capital of South Sudan.
The Murle has many reasons to celebrate including; autonomy, possible acceleration of development and that they have finally done away with marginalisation. Anything worth dying for is worth celebrating for. No doubt about that.
Looking at it closely, the Murle’s war is everyone’s’ war at least in the heart. There are many people who crave for something called federalism. Federalism manifested itself as Kokora in the past. That is why some people are suspicious about it. However, people are coming to consensus that the country would better be governed through multiple states in form of former colonial districts in the former colonial Sudan. They number twenty three (23). The rebels who are battling the government forces proposed twenty one (21). Twenty one or twenty three, it is the same thing.
Pibor has just taken the lead. The rest of the country will follow suit. This was a key recommendation by the law makers when they passed the GPAA peace agreement in the Council of States.
MALITH WANTS HIS STATE CALLED JONGLEI EXCLUDED FROM GPAA AND THE NUER AREAS FOR THE SAME REASONS AS ABOVE.
The formation of Greater Pibor Administrative Area through war has taught us many lessons.
Lesson 1: War and impunity are rewarded in South Sudan
The militias who took up weapons against the government for no apparent reasons were always rewarded through integration and high positions. This was usually done lock stock and barrel. Despite the fact that the SPLA law was enacted, nobody bothered its implementation. The law on many occasions went under the carpet in situations where it could be of great help.
Lesson 2: South Sudan is viewed in terms of positions, not what one does
Who is who in South Sudan is what matters than what one does for the country? Those in the government are interested in their positions. There seemed to be a don’t touch my position attitude in the government. Those in the government want to maintain their positions at all cost and those outside the government want to access positions in the government with all the perks and privileges. The government created nonexistent or unconstitutional positions for the sake of accommodation like the position of deputy commander in chief or D. C-in-C. south sudan makes history.
Lesson 3: Everybody wants his/her ethnic state/ethnic federalism
Give me my tribal formation and I will be happier. Tribal land, administration and other resources seem to generate enthusiasm in the regions. The catch is the tribal formation turns against the government in case of misinformation as was the case in the areas under the current rebellion. All the tribal and pro Yay Yau armed forces turned against the government in Boma. The made it possible for rebel forces to capture that town easily. Boma was once captured by the SPLA during liberation struggle. No enemy forces dare to invade it after that.
Lesson 4: Tribalism and nepotism are here to stay
South Sudanese are like Pharisees. They say one thing but do the other. One often hears about talks against tribalism and nepotism but these are promoted privately. Blood is thicker than water kind of. Go and inspect the ministries and commissions and you will confirm this claim for yourself.
Lesson 5: The SPLM led government repeats same mistakes over and over again
The SPLM led government received rebels and rewarded them with positions as long as they do not claim to be president. Any position can be given as demanded.
Those who take up arms against the state should be subjected to the law according to Constitution. Charges like treason, sedition, murder and disturbing public tranquillity should have been levelled against the insurgents but these are ignored or swept under the carpet. The rebels used to demand for positions however, they now demand for own states as well as the usual reintegration.
Lesson 6: Individuals are more powerful than state institutions
The failure of the state of South Sudan is attributed to weak institutions. However, what makes these institutions of governance weak is not defined. Perhaps self interest manifested by corruption, disregard for the law and tribalism are issues at hand. People have no appetite for doing good for the country because there are no incentives for doing that. One rewards himself/herself and this is what is glorified. Not acting in the best self interest is demonised. There are abundant instances where criminals are protected by their tribesmen when they come in conflict with the law.
Lesson 7: Foreign jolly ride
What is the world saying about South Sudan? What about Sudan and oil? The UN, EU, AU and IGAD won’t allow a little more space for this country to grow. South Sudan as a young nation is also nervous about the way it might be perceived by the vigilant eyes of the superpowers. As such, the country shilly-shallies to satisfy everyone but ends up pleasing no one including the internal front.
Lesson 8: Belief in militarism
This is called belief in the rule of a gun not rule of the law. Rule of the law is only a lip service. It is in the statutes book like other foreign concepts that have never been tested in this country.
Lesson 9: Parliament is a toothless watchdog
All the two chambers of parliament are there for the sake of being there, meaning to receive salaries and being a formality. This view is common like common sense. Further, nobody outside the three arms of government doubts this assertion. The parliament is there to approve every agreement, military or otherwise for favours to continue to flow from the executive. Many of parliamentarians are in the parliament illegally.
Those who returned from Khartoum and those who were appointed are only there to please their masters and not the electorate. They are accountable to none other than the one whom they serve. The original members of parliament elected in 2010 were about 250. This number is inflated to over 450 compatriots!
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