Archive for March 31, 2015

US Military Leaders Calling for Sanctions on South Sudan

Posted: March 31, 2015 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Press Release

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Alfred Lado Gore: What is Wrong with the IGAD Peace Process?

Posted: March 31, 2015 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Commentary, Featured Articles

By Alfred Ladu Gore

Alfred Lado Gore, with Riek Machar, in Pagak, Upper Nile state, 12 DEC 2014

Alfred Lado Gore, with Riek Machar, in Pagak, Upper Nile state, 12 DEC 2014

1. The Effects of Flawed Methodological Approach on the Fundamental Issues Arising from the Crisis Situation in South Sudan

In the methodological context of this paper, it is better to be up-front as a non-partisan method of analysis in revealing the emotions, feelings, experiences and interest of the author in exposing what is really happening with the IGAD peace process that has stagnated and in turn how it has not made any head way at all.

The collapse of the South Sudan peace talks mediated by the IGAD was expected because the process was fraught with difficulties and far from achieving its target, despite setting numerous datelines to achieve peace and restore stability to South Sudan. The failure of the talks exposed the lack of knowledge and deficiency in the methodology the mediators employed. Such failure compounds the IGAD peace process without concrete understanding of the obstacles and opportunities confronting those who want to bring fundamental political change.

In the current stage, it is not possible for the mediators to fully comprehend how peace and justice can be achieved in that young country. It is also a clear indication of the lack of the seriousness on the part of President Kiir’s regime, which committed genocide in Juba in December 2013 and horrendously waged war on South Sudanese citizens based on ethnic differences, to restore peace to the people of South Sudan, precipitating the level of political violence of unprecedented scale in the country. The stakeholders and the International Community should now know who, exactly, is obstructing peace agreement at the talks in Addis Ababa. The downturn of the peace process was not by accident but a failure resulting from a wide range of factors which became ever more apparent as some concerned parties eventually found out.

President Salva Kiir, adamantly, refused to negotiate peace agreement in Addis Ababa because some of his rouge ministers and army commanders in Juba threatened to take over the government if he signed any peace agreement with the SPLM/SPLA leader, Dr. Riek Machar. They intend to buy time to apply military solution to resolve the conflict – a fate he has failed to achieve in the last 15 months. President Kiir should have realized by now that he has failed to use military means to win the war he started. It is very unfortunate that Salva Kiir and his group have decided to prolong the suffering of the millions of South Sudanese just to remain in power for three more years using unconstitutional means.

The amendment to extend the terms of a sitting president and National Legislative Assembly is not provided for in the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan. Therefore, the government of President Kiir should be considered illegitimate. By the act of manipulating the instruments of governance in the country, Kiir has declared war on the South Sudanese and expressed complete disregards to the IGAD peace process. The regime in Juba is now a legitimate target for forceful eviction from power as it is no longer an elected government and has resorted to employing dictatorial tactics to remain in office.

It is now time that the report of the African Union Commission of Inquiry in South Sudan (AUCISS), that has been deliberately withheld purportedly to give the peace talks a chance and not to jeopardize it, is made public and all culprits mentioned in the report taken to the court of justice to prevent the repetition of government sponsored war crimes and crimes against humanity in the future. The publication of AUCISS report will put a complete stop to the impunity perpetrated by the government and its machineries against innocent unarmed civilians.

The UN Security Council resolution to pass sanction regime against certain individuals in President Kari’s regime who are accused of instigating genocide against Nuer tribesmen in Juba is timely and very much welcomed. This is a step in the right direction and will make those who claim to lead the people of South Sudan be more accountable for any barbaric actions against South Sudanese citizens. The sanction on individuals should not be misconstrued as sanction on the whole country. Salva Kiir and his cronies in Juba are trying to mislead people that the UN Sanctions will be imposed on South Sudan to evoke the emotions of the citizens. The UN Security Council document clearly says the sanctions will be imposed on individuals who are found to be instigators of the violence and, by extension, responsible for the killing of Nuer people in Juba and obstructing peace to return to the country which they have destroyed

2. A Set of Critical Choices the Mediators Must Make for Successfully Negotiated End to the Conflict.

To avoid facing challenges with the South Sudan peace negotiations once it is started again under the refurbished IGAD forum, the mediators need to approach the conflict in a constructive manner and rethink the entire process. It is important that the countries participating in the mediation are increased and selected judiciously giving considerations to the principles of neutrality, knowledge, skills and experiences. The negotiation process should be allowed to benefit from dialogue on the critical issues that would bring lasting peace to the country.

The mediators need to resist the temptation of predesigned peace agreement that the parties will be forced to sign or face consequences disciplinary action. By doing so, the interactive problems that beset the first nine sessions of the peace negotiations could be circumvented and imposition of solutions in favor of the genocidal government of Kiir can be prevented, to open up the process for constructive dialogue among the conflicting parties and participants based on democratic practices. Nevertheless, all those challenges can be corrected now by setting forth a new process and communication standards among the concerned parties. The importance of reinvigorating the peace talks cannot be underestimated. It is imperative, urgent and decisive for the success of the next round of talks, so that it does not stagnate and crumble.

The IGAD, African Union (AU), United Nations Security Council (UNSC), United States of America (USA), China and Troika have to make a critical set of choices to determine the nature and extend of the transitional government of national unity. They seem to be unconcerned about the fundamental issues that triggered the conflict. The conflict has not only evolved into a civil war in South Sudan, but it has sparked a cycle of horrific social disorder that is rapidly spreading everywhere due to the inability of Salva Kiir’s regime to cope with it. The level of lawlessness in the country has now started a wave of popular uprising of South Sudanese in Upper Nile, Bahr el Ghazal and Equatoria regions, who elected Kiir in the 2010 general elections, to remove him from power.

The widespread disapproval of the regime in Juba is a reality that mocks the assertions that President Kiir is a legitimate president. The support of some foreign countries to President Kari’s government, even after slaughtering more than 50,000 Nuer and other ethnicities in a period of 2 days, amounts to double standards. It also confirms that these countries and some individuals connected to the IGAD peace process have interests in South Sudan that could only be protected by President Salva Kiir. The killing of thousands of innocent South Sudanese does not matter to them as long as their interests are intact. These countries and some individuals with vested interests in South Sudan have orchestrated and overseen the utter destruction of other regimes in other countries in the name of democracy and human rights. Why then is the fascist regime of Salva Kiir an exception?

Over one year following the holocaust in Juba, the country remains without human rights, basic freedoms and institutions of law to protect its citizens. It is a typical “failed” state and the most dangerous place to live in the world as independent observers have labeled it. This underscores the fact that Kiir is untrustworthy because he focuses on himself and cares less about his own people. Such a leader, automatically, breaks bond of trust with the people who support him and those he governs and should no longer be treated with high honor and respect as before. Those countries and individuals seen to be taking sides in favor of the Juba regime in the peace talks are compromise their positions and must be excluded from the talks.

The recent announcement to reconvene another round of peace talks, possibly in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, has come as relief. It is a welcome initiative and indicates the commitment to restore lasting peace in the war-torn country. But certain cardinal questions to ask are: Will the new initiative focus on the root causes of the war leading to a permanent resolution of the conflict or it will simply seek to impose peace agreement without addressing the core issues? Will the mediators approach the new peace negotiations without factoring in their subjective, preferential alignment with a warring party at the expense of another as was explicit in the, previous, collapsed peace talks?

3. The imperative need for new Paradigm shift to create socio-political space: Inclusive and Equitable Processes for Meaningful Change.

As the IGAD and its partners think of new mechanisms and strategies to end the conflict in the country, it should, seriously, consider not limiting the negotiations to power-sharing and structure of the government during the transitional period. But they should develop a comprehensive framework to resolve the root causes of the conflict to usher in a government that is transparent and accountable to its citizens.

Any attempt to bring about peace agreement that concentrates power in the hands of particular ethnic elites backed by politically aligned army, will only put in place a system that will oppress South Sudanese. Every effort must be exerted to ensure the military, security and law enforcement agencies are representative of the diverse ethnicities of South Sudan and must be separated from the political leadership. The peace talks must be approached in a systematic manner and not changing from one position to another or coming up with new and unacceptable proposals every time a new session of peace talks begin. This sort of vacillation makes the talks more difficult, problematic and counter-productive because the mediators want to patronize and impose their will on the participants by refusing to take into account their views on the settlement of the conflict.

Furthermore, the lack of well conceptualized agenda to guide the peace talks is to blame for the failure of the mediators. It is important to develop a framework containing core issues which are of uttermost concern to South Sudan such as federalism which, from 1947 has been their demand in the quest for a genuine democratic system of governance that devolves power to the masses. It is now clear that federal system of governance is the most popular demand of the people of that country, as endorsed in the resolution number 2(c) of the National Peace Conference of South Sudanese Tribes held at the Nyokuron Cultural Center in Juba on 17th – 18th February 2015. The IGAD mediators should take heed of this and include in the protocols for the peace agreement if their efforts are to bring lasting peace and stability to those people.

There are important rays of hope with the expansion of the peace process in which a number of countries are expected to take part in mediating the peace talks. Such development deeply concerns South Sudanese people of varied backgrounds and interest. They are yarning for a system of governance that gives sufficient power to the ordinary people to address issues affecting their lives in the areas of security, corruption, tribalism, discrimination, assimilation etc. The prominence of the federal system of governance lies in that it gives freedom to all the ethnic groups that make up the South Sudanese nation without any exception or exclusion. Each ethnic group will have space to spread its wings and can decide its affairs within a federal context.

4. The Exacerbation of Tension and Reinforcement of Ethnic Hegemonic Power: The Collapse of the Regime in Juba and Need for Its Replacement.

It is not surprising such a note-worthy system of governance as federalism, that promotes fraternal solidarity among people, close cooperation among them and their government in designing programs for peace, stability and development to advance their welfare, is opposed and brutally attacked by the regime in Juba. The government is more concerned with promoting ethnic hegemony and spreading social disorder, particularly in Equatoria region than it is with providing security and social services to its people who have experienced the most negative manifestations of that regime’s mismanagement and neglect of their region.

As a result many negative consequences have followed from there as President Kari’s regime, mercilessly, grabbed and occupied ancestral homelands and properties of the people of Equatoria, Upper Nile and Western Bahr el Ghazal claiming that they liberated them with their own blood. The harassment and intimidation of indigenous people in those regions and particularly Equatoria, is going on unabated and is increasing in intensity and coverage. This unprecedented negative phenomena unheard of in Africa, has aroused tensions all over that region. The message, therefore, is very clear and direct – the people of greater Equatoria, who are an integral part of the Republic of South Sudan standing in solidarity with the victimized Nuer people, are facing extermination threats from Salva Kiir’s regime and his war mongering supporters. Equatorians are now left with no other option but to take up arms to fight for their own survival. On account of this, they are demanding for a table at the peace talks to articulate their own views on the conflict and its resolution.

The mismanagement of national issues by the elites of the dominating ethnic groups preoccupied mostly with getting government top jobs in the last ten years overshadowed national interests, casting doubts on the question of South Sudanese nationalism. Salva Kiir’s regime is wallowing in a presumed unlimited power without resolving the nationality question to the satisfaction of the majority ethnic groups.

President Kiir has failed in his attempt to turn the country into a thriving democracy. He has also failed to formulate and implement viable socio-economic and political systems resulting in stagnation of South Sudanese economy and its isolation from the rest of the world. Everyone in the country now knows that with this infamous regime in power, with its ever dwindling support base and lack of respectability nationally, regionally and internationally; democracy, federalism, political accountability, transparency, press freedom, political inclusivity, human rights, public debate and consensus building will not be associated with South Sudan. It is not possible for Salva Kiir to achieve political and economic stability because of his inherent incompetence and divisive policies that are inflaming ethnic tensions and polarizing communities.

5. Conclusion

• The IGAD and its partners the AU, UNSC, US, China and the Troika must take a momentous decision if they are to contain the harrowing situation in South Sudan. The peace process should focus on achieving a concrete historical agreement that must reflect the broader interests of all the ethnic groups of people. Such an agreement should of necessity be within a political framework in which federalism as the most popular demand in the country is reflected in the composition of the institutions of the resultant government as well as in any of its agencies. The conduct of the affairs of the government shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character and nature of the Republic of South Sudan. Any peace agreement that will seek to promote the dominance of persons from one or a few ethnic or other sectional groups as it is evident with President Kiir’s regime will be resisted.

• Transitional justice must be central to any peace talks because it will bring about the process of healing and reconciliation. However, rebuilding this under the regime of President Kiir is impossible. It is important that peace agreement in South Sudan must be seen to be inclusive and concluded on the basis of wider consultations and participations involving diverse groups who are also victims of and neglected by Salva Kiir’s regime. Therefore, such an agreement must not be imposed from outside.
• Concentrating the peace talks on power-sharing is, understandably, the easiest way out of the current political and military quagmire. But this is ignoring the reasons why genocide was carried out by, supposedly, an elected president. Failure to openly discuss why South Sudanese citizens were killed in large number in December 2013 will constitute a missed opportunity to bring a lasting peace to the country and make South Sudan a politically and economically stable country. In this sense the core political, security and governance issues that brought about the genocide must be on top of the agenda of the forthcoming peace talks.

• Inclusive approach to the peace talks will not only represent the diversity of the three regions of South Sudan, but will bring out the actual underlying socio-political problems that started afflicting the country from before its independence. Without resolving these issues, the stability of the country is doubtful and will throw its future into perpetual political limbo.
• As South Sudanese, there is need to, critically and deeply, reflect on the way forward to save the country from total collapse and disintegration and to give the citizens the chance to transform their lives. However, this level of nationalism will only be attained in the absence of the, current, ideologically bankrupt and perennially corrupt leadership of Salva Kiir’s regime in Juba. The removal of Kiir from power still remains the desired end result of December 2013 uprising, so that it is replaced with progressive government, focused with clear vision and right-minded leadership that can swiftly restore confidence and trust of the traumatized citizens yarning for new country in which every citizen counts. Fundamental change is a vibrant reality that the people demand not political marriage of convenience as manifested in the clamor of the elites of competing ethnic groups to form transitional government of national unity that is never a remedy at all. South Sudanese deserve to be free after suffering and making huge sacrifices for their independence. They deserve to be treated like equal human beings with all rights to express themselves freely without fear of being intimidated by a biased and tribal security agencies, that have unregulated access to guns and operating in an environment devoid of law and order. For all South Sudanese to live in peace and feel secure, the current government must be unconditionally dismantled, reconstituted and guided by a democratic federal constitution.

Alfred Ladu Gore is the SPLM-IO deputy chairman. The views expressed in this article are the personal opinions of the author on the current political issues in South Sudan.


By Hon. Taban Abel Aguek (MP), Rumbek, Lakes State

The fruition of the CPA

The fruition of the CPA

March 31, 2015 (SSB)  —   Is it out of love or mockery that Africa appears to care too much about South Sudan? From the first day the conflict erupted in South Sudan, Africa has been suggesting possible remedies to the crisis in the country.

Apart from hosting peace talks in Addis Ababa, the African Union (AU) also promptly formed a five member commission of inquiry to “investigate the human rights violations and other abuses committed during the armed conflict in South Sudan and make recommendations on the best way and means to ensure accountability, reconciliation and healing among all South Sudanese communities”.

The commission of inquiry is composed of prominent and respected individuals with exceptional skills and experience. The Chairperson of the Inquiry Commission is composed of former President of Nigeria Olusegun Obasanjo, Lady Justice Sophia Akuffo who is the Justice of the Supreme Court of Ghana, Prof. Mahmood Mamdani of Makerere University (Uganda), Bineta Diop who is AU Chairperson’s envoy for Women, Peace and Security, AU Special Envoy for Women, Peace and Security and Prof. Pacifique Manirakiza who is a commissioner at the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights in Banjul, the Gambia.

No doubt, this is a team of well placed African leaders that equally possess huge experience and tested competence.

Now, one wonders why a series of very dirty wars were allowed to rage on in Sudan long before the separation of South Sudan the former O.A.U couldn’t take such a step. Until today, another bad war is raging on in Sudan’s Nuba Mountains and Darfur region and the AU instead of investigating crimes committed – genocide included – chooses to protect the main proprietors of the crimes and conflicts in Sudan.

No investigative team of inquiry has been set for Sudan. And President Beshir stays insulated from the ICC by the AU. So, there are two Aus: one that investigates crimes in South Sudan and the other one that shields Beshir from going to the court in the Hague. But maybe for the AU loves South Sudan so much, there can be nothing else anyone can say than to appreciate such a concern.

The report of this Commission of Inquiry has not yet been made public. But there had only been a leaked report purported to have been prepared by AU. The ‘leaked’ report almost caused an outrage and misunderstanding both in the Government and the opposition camps.

Not because it carried such weird and witty recommendations like the axing of both the President and the rebel leader Dr. Machar in the formation of a transitional government, but it also looks shallow, unprofessional and lacking content to match the jurisdictions and standards of a veritable inquiry.

The AU, in person of Chairperson Dr. Nkosazana Dlamina-Zuma, has already disowned the report. That has helped a bit fixed the mess.

Regardless of the fact presented by the AU in delaying the report – for fear that it may obstruct peace process in Addis Ababa – the US, the EU and so many other affiliate NGOs, still call for publication of the official report.

That makes it quite perplexing how the same agencies and organizations that call for a speedy peace process also adamantly demand for the release of the AU Commission of Inquiry report when we all know that it could delay peace. As seen in the leaked report, any document that carries coined stories and discrepancies may likely bang the door closed on the Addis Ababa talks.

The leaked report of the Commission of Inquiry, since it now lacks any official backing and rightful authenticity, can be assumed a bluff. But the question remains: can the current team of experts investigating into the country’s crisis produce an honest, credible and unbiased report? And can this commission be fair enough in their findings and recommendations? Methinks No!

With due respect to each and every member of the Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan crisis with regards to ‘human rights violations, atrocities and so much more’ not many South Sudanese believe that this commission of inquiry is one that they should trust to carefully and honestly analyze the crisis, make proper findings and suggest the right recommendations on the conflict in South Sudan.

This is not because we may suspect the competence of the team. Neither do we think they can be manipulated by some interest groups with stakes in the war in the country.

We all know who President Olusegun Obasanjo is. He is a well respected African statesman who made a name in the making of both modern and the old Nigeria. He handed over power peacefully in 1979 after he lost elections to Shehu Shagari. In 1976, he ascended to power by the privilege of death as President Murtala Mohammed, who he deputized, died in assassination. But he could not hold onto power during the election. Nigeria, through him, saw a peaceful transfer of power. That he handed over power peacefully made him a darling of the West, particularly the US, Germany and Britain.

But just like Dr. Riek Machar he attempted coup in 1995. The coup failed and he was not as fortunate as Riek Machar who miraculously found his way out of Juba simply to embark on a rebellion in a matter of days. Obasanjo was arrested, tried and jailed for life. The West, because they were the architects of his failed coup, pressurized for his release.

Due to that pressure his sentence was reduced to 15 years. By a complete twist of fate, he was again a beneficiary of death as his arch enemy Gen. Sani Abacha died of an illness in 1998. A year later Obasanjo contested elections and won comfortably. Like an American President who served two complete terms he led Nigeria for eight straight years.

That Obansanjo is a believer of coups is not the point of concern. Rather, the issue – and relevance to the case of South Sudan – is his concept of reforms. Nigeria, in so many aspects, does not resemble South Sudan. So, Obasnajo’s reforms for Nigeria cannot marry up with the South Sudan reforms.

Still one asks himself if everything has worked well for Nigeria. President Obasanjo’s homeland, just like South Sudan, is until today deep in crisis. It has for a long time been engage in a series of insurgencies and is still held knee-deep in one of the worst corruption in Africa. The Boko Haram poses a big threat to Nigeria the way Riek’s rebels are to South Sudan. That begs the question: has Obasanjo put right his home country to even dare look into issues of other countries?

There is a belief that Obasanjo holds experience and valid solutions to Africa’s problems as he is taken to be a symbol of reform and democracy. Yet, Africa has moved much more than Obasanjo. It seems Africa is still being driven by personality cult.

Much as we hail President Obasanjo’s huge experience, there is a question of his age. It is my personal feeling that Uncle Obasanjo has not very much energy left in him. The Obasanjo of 1998 cannot be the Obasanjo of 2015. He can easily be outwitted and asked to sign a blind cheque for South Sudan. The commission of inquiry on South Sudan crisis can be manipulated under his watchful eyes by those that hold very dangerous views on South Sudan. And that might be the greatest fear of South Sudanese.

One such fear is the inclusion of Prof. Mahmood Mamdani of Uganda in the same commission of inquiry. Like Obasanjo, Prof Mahmood Mamdani possesses an intellectual power but that cannot stop us from interrogating his inclusion into this important commission. This is because Prof. Mahmood has a long held view that Dr. Riek, South Sudan’s rebel leader, is a reformist.

At the Annual Retreat of the National Resistance Army (NRM) at Kyankwanzi on February 11th, 2014, which was later published by the New Vision of Uganda on 16th Feb, 2014, Prof Mahmood Mamdani delivered a lecture on South Sudan conflict titled “No power sharing without political reform”. In the lecture, the well endowed Professor gave his analysis on the genesis of South Sudan crisis, its ripple effects and the way forward.

In some instances he made his views clear on Riek being a reformist – how he arrived at that only God knows – but there was never clear inclination anyone would easily put him in since he appeared spread all over and pointing the issues of the ethnicity between the Dinka and the Nuer. True to his writing, the British heightened ethnicity in South Sudan. But he equally has his own views and one dangerous thing among them is his criticism of the independence of South Sudan.

Prof. Mahmood made it clear that he was against the independence of South Sudan. He said, “The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed in 2005 turned out to be a shoddy affair, rushed by those in a hurry to birth an independent South. The people of South Sudan are just beginning to pay the price for that haste.”

Poignant to the feeling of South Sudanese, Prof. Mahmood believes that South Sudan is a “child of the war on terror.” That explicitly means that South Sudan statehood was driven not from our own struggle but born out of the war on terror. There has been no abuse like this on the history of struggle of South Sudan.

In short, Prof Mahmud Mamdani is one guy that has long formed an opinion about South Sudan. He made his position clear that he is inclined to support Dr. Riek’s reforms. He continues to blame what he termed as ‘rushed’ independence of South Sudan’. Therefore, there can be no reason he could have been appointed into the team of inquiry on the crisis of South Sudan. According to global criteria on choosing an inquiry team should not have been a member of the team of inquiry for south Sudan. It is like sending a sensitive case of sheep to a wolf.

Looking already at the leaked ‘fake’ report of the commission of inquiry, one wonders if you don’t see the hands of Prof. Mahmud Mamdani. While Mzee Obasanjo leads by his good name, the dirt may continue to be done by the enemies of South Sudan.

Prof. Mahmud has also been fighting against the term limits of President Museveni of Uganda. His inclusion in the committee of inquiry on South Sudan crisis only helps him find another podium from which he could fight Museveni away from home.

So there goes the story of the AU Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan! South Sudanese have to waste not their time in laying hope on this commission. They should expect a bad report that is based on manipulations under the supervision of a helpless old man.

South Sudanese shall forever continue to give their respect to President Obasanjo as one of the living fathers of the modern Africa. But that people will agree with the report of an important inquiry committee may only come as a surprise.

Taban Abel Aguek is an MP in Lakes State Legislative Assembly – Rumbek. He can be reached at abelaguek79@gmail.com

The opinion expressed here is solely the view of the writer. The veracity of any claim made are the responsibility of the author, not PaanLuel Wël: South Sudanese Bloggers (SSB) website. If you want to submit an opinion article or news analysis, please email it to paanluel2011@gmail.com. SSB do reserve the right to edit material before publication. Please include your full name, email address and the country you are writing from.

The Economic Future of the Republic of South Sudan

Posted: March 31, 2015 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Economy, Featured Articles, Machar Dhieu

By Daniel Machar Dhieu, Juba

hai amarat

March 31, 2015 (SSB)  —   In my opinion, the main topics of political discussion after peace talks collapse in Ethiopia Capital between government and rebel leadership is health-care financing, educational reform, etc. Despite their importance to many, they represent rearranging deck chairs on the parliamentary affairs.

So what is the main issue? I would say, it is our economic future. Will today’s children and grandchildren enjoy anything near the material comfort, which we ourselves have? If not, what can we do to mitigate the process of deteriorating economic conditions?

The first and more serious problem is the conflict between the material wants and needs of the earth’s growing population and the material resources available on earth. We are entering the period of “peak oil”, when more oil will be pumped out of the earth than at any other time before or after. Petrol oil is now priced at 6 SSP per liter; in coming years, it will surely be higher. New oil reserves are becoming harder to tap.

Additionally, the booming economies of high technology countries such nations will increase demand for petroleum products enormously. If supply cannot meet demand now, the imbalance will become worse in the future. The growing emissions of carbon gases produced by the internal-combustion engine and other devices has raised  in the nation’s temperature to the point that polar ice caps are melting, the seas are rising,  a lot of much problem become more frequent base on economic in the young nation like south sudan.

The scarcity of oil may be the least of our problems. We may also be facing a crisis in food production. As the country is diverted to ethanol production, supply of others commodities drops and prices rise. People failed to practices crop production in the country and the whole depend on the countries such as Uganda and Kenya to mention but few. Farmland competes with laziness of the people and suburban and exurban development.

The water company’s Limited supplies are likewise diverted to urban use. The water level in aquifers around the nation has dropped significantly no series means to solves this problem. Then there is the problem of waste disposal in our nation we need to address on its. There is the problem of air quality when industrial gases are released into the atmosphere. The list of problems goes on.

Here in South Sudan, we should know how to use things before things got worse I mean our confidence on whatever we are doing because we are already free from any authority. No need of saying the border is close or rate of dollar is high. We are almost establishing oil industry in our nation, but do we have any food industries before?

If not when are we establishing them? Seen South Sudan is bless of many things for development to mention but few, we have river Nile, gold, diamonds, silver and oils these could force development to the nation when we buried corruption in all departments of government level.

There are two important questions when considering electric power. First, how would the power is generated? Second, how would electric power is transported to its point of use? Electricity can be generated in conventional power that can use oil we have here in South Sudan. It can also be generated in nuclear plants that do not discharge such wastes into the atmosphere but leave a toxic residue of spent fuel having a long half-life.

It can be generated also in hydroelectric dams that change the landscape, in geothermal generators, and in photovoltaic cells that turn sunlight into electricity, all these will make a last day of ending of saying there is shortage of power. ‘’start quote, from my point of view, one of the most promising sources is wind energy. Wind is free and renewable. Its capture leaves no detrimental effect on the environment. A disadvantage is that this power source varies with weather conditions. For small-scale producers, the equipment can be expensive but who will work on this department?

What concerns me is the cost of labour. We have a relatively small number of educated people who can work at the fields, but the work need good number of educated workers to work in. Our educated people are too expensive for those tasks. With an average student-loan debt of  30,000 SSP – fifth highest in the nation – the graduates of foreign ’s colleges and universities  such as Makerere university and Nairobi university  need to pay back the banks and credit-card companies as well as secure housing and other necessities in life.

It takes an estimated annual income of 90,000 SSP to handle the debt payments comfortably; and not everyone can find such a job. Therefore, my idea is that, our students should studies at home South Sudan’s college and graduates here as well prepared to compete in the country economy is hot air as far as i’m concerned. It turns my stomach that the same educators who are fetching high salaries in institutions with soaring tuitions are also cheerleader’s free trade, putting their graduates in direct cost competition with the lower-priced grade of foreign countries and other places.

And they are all “high-minded” people with a strong “ethical” bent! We also need to be thinking of how we can get our own cost structure more in line with the rest of the nations. Our productive economy is weighted with civil war that has attached them to its wealth. Some of the worst are government (the military-industrial complex), the health-care system, financial institutions, our expensive education, and the legal system. There are many sacred cows needing to be culled.

Attractive-looking men and women in suits – professionals all – will be on hand to defend the expensive practices. The word quality will often be heard. If such discussions are held, they might lead to a new consensus in which nation states are allowed to impose good workers on imported goods to achieve certain development objectives.

Here is where one begins to envision a better nation, not just for South Sudanese but also for all of us in the nation. I think political leaders in all countries can agree that people everywhere need a certain material standard of living; and that to become entitled to use of the earth’s resources, they need to be employed in a productive enterprise.

In addition, if the free market does not afford full employment in enterprises of that type, government needs to achieve that result through regulation. A cornerstone of the regulation would be incentives for business to reduce hours of work. With an artificial reduction of work time, supply and demand can achieve a satisfactory result with respect to wages and employment levels.

How would this work? I have proposed a system of employer-specific way on goods imported from low-wage countries that enter South Sudan market. The country rate would take into account the cost differential between production costs in the foreign factory and comparable costs in south Sudan. I would not seek to recover the entire cost differential through rate of that country.

Neither would I calculate the South Sudanese pounds cost because of actual costs where high-priced union labour is involved. Nevertheless, it is justifiable to set a standard for a reasonable wage in south Sudan and use good way to bring the cost of imported goods closer to what the goods would have cost if produced here under those conditions.

The opinion expressed here is solely the view of the writer. The veracity of any claim made are the responsibility of the author, not PaanLuel Wël: South Sudanese Bloggers (SSB) website. If you want to submit an opinion article or news analysis, please email it to paanluel2011@gmail.com. SSB do reserve the right to edit material before publication. Please include your full name, email address and the country you are writing from.