Posts Tagged ‘republic of the sudan’


Open Letter to Hon. Joy Kwaje, Chairperson of Information and Culture Committee in the National Legislative Assembly of South Sudan

This letter is a response to what was broadcast by South Sudan TV as well as by Bakhita FM Radio in Juba on Thursday, May 23, 2012 where Hon. Joy Kwaje – who is currently the Chairperson of Information and Culture Committee in the Legislative Assembly of the Republic of South Sudan- accused the Chairman of the second largest political party in South Sudan SPLM-DC of having links with rebels who have decided to carry arms against the government of South Sudan.

Such utterances are irresponsible and seriously regrettable, to say the least. The SPLM- DC has reiterated again and again in many occasions that it has no link with any rebel or armed group. The people of South Sudan know the role that has been played by the SPLM-DC in the struggle and sacrifices paid to ensure the citizens’ inviolable rights, especially via members of the National Legislative Assembly. Why then all these accusations against SPLM-DC and its savvy Chairman and freedom fighter, Dr. Lam Akol Ajawin?

We demand from Hon. Joy Kwaje to be responsible and courageous enough to support her unsubstantiated accusation with credible and documented real evidences and show them to the people of South Sudan through the media or courts.

The people of South Sudan know very well who is Dr. Lam Akol and his great role in building the SPLM/A politically, militarily, diplomatically as well as reviving the right to self-determination and committing the government of the Republic of the Sudan constitutionally to grant it to the people of Southern Sudan who overwhelmingly voted for secession on the basis of which their independence was declared on July 9, 2011.

Now, why is Hon. Joy Kwaje and her other cronies selectively asking for the whereabouts of Dr. Lam Akol? Don’t they know that he is a South Sudan citizen who has freedom to stay where he wants to and at any time? Why are they not inquiring about other leaders of South Sudan who are still currently living in Khartoum or with well kept and guarded properties over there? Does staying in Khartoum mean nothing else but supporting militias?

It couldn’t go without saying that Hon. Joy Kwaje and whoever twisted around with her from the Members of National Parliament in the SSTV screen on that gloomy day, were trying their very best to divert the attention of the people from the deteriorating living conditions that have resulted from bad policies of the SPLM ruling party. Instead of doing their duty of overseeing and checking the executive as well as defending the poor and hungry citizens, these shameless SPLM Members of Parliaments chose to fish in dirty waters by asking wrong questions about personalities and petty issues like “where is such and such person?” Their ulterior intentions shall end in doom!

We regret and detest the missing role of Hon. Joy Kwaje and her cronies in addressing the real issues of everyday life, like hunger that is threatening dear lives of many South Sudanese in Juba and other parts of South Sudan nowadays where prices of food items have skyrocketed. For example, a kilogramme of meat shot up from 12 to 35 SSP and a bag of cement from 45 to 95 SSP, let alone lack of medicines, potable water, fuel and many other basic commodities. These are the most important urgent concerns and worries of the citizens right now more than any politicking of witch-hunting and wrong-fishing. The SPLM-DC has offered proposals to the SPLM ruling government for resolving these challenges and many more since October last year but all felt on deaf ears. Alas!

Notwithstanding, we would like to state this loud and clear to Hon. Joy Kwaje and whoever is pushing her within her vicious circle that we don’t seek nor beg for our nationalism from anybody. She was in Khartoum in most of her life when those she is trying to character-assassinate were busy fighting for liberation without sitting outside the fence. Her other vocal chum was a refugee in Canada up until 2005. What gives them the right to challenge the nationalism of others?

In conclusion, we would like to assure our dear people of South Sudan that the SPLM-DC stands for building a strong nation of South Sudan founded on unshaken foundation of democracy, justice, equality and participation of all political and civil forces in the administration of the country’s public affairs. There shall be no let-up on the conspirators!

Long Live the People of South Sudan.
Long Live Dr. Lam Akol, the Chairman of SPLM-DC.
Long Live the Republic of South Sudan, Free and Democratic.

Information Desk
SPLM-DC General-Secretariat
Juba, May 28, 2012.

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Sudan-UN Joint Assessment Reveals Humanitarian Situation in South Kordofan is 
MarketWatch (press release)
Sudan continues to call on South Sudan to recognize its negative role in this crisis and cease its support to the rebels. And in order for the US and those pushing for an intervention to play a constructive role, they must look at the facts on the 

Sudan-UN Joint Assessment Reveals Humanitarian Situation in South Kordofan is 
Sacramento Bee
By Embassy of the Republic of the Sudan WASHINGTON, Feb. 24, 2012 — /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ — The humanitarian situation in South Kordofan that has garnered international concern, and which some have now exploited to push an agenda of intervention, 

South Sudan expels Chinese oil firm boss
Mmegi Online
JUBA: The world’s newest nation has expelled its first person – the head of South Sudan’s biggest oil company, the Chinese and Malaysian-owned Petrodar. The Chinese national, Liu Yingcai, was asked to leave following an investigation into Khartoum’s 

Sudan’s survey says South Kordofan’s humanitarian situation “normal”
Sudan Tribune
February 23, 2012 (KHARTOUM) – A survey conducted by government and international groups inSudan’s war-battered state of South Kordofan has shown “good” levels of food security and “normal” humanitarian conditions, an official said on Monday as UN 
Nation, Uganda Border Opens After Drivers’ Protests
AllAfrica.com
By Dhieu Williams, 24 February 2012 Juba — South Sudan Nimule and Uganda border of Attiak has been opened yesterday following two days closure by drivers from Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, Somalia who protested overloaded charges of taxes imposed on them 
Analysis: South Sudan future dicey after oil money loss
Reuters
By Ulf Laessing and Hereward Holland | JUBA (Reuters) – In an air-conditioned Toyota showroom packed with half a dozen off-road vehicles in South Sudan’s capital, dealer Desmond McCue is wondering whether the shutdown of the country’s oil production 

South Sudan: US Congressman to Discuss Recent Visit to Yida Refugee Camp
AllAfrica.com
Washington, DC — Frank Wolf (R-VA), a longtime advocate for Sudan and co-chairman of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, just returned from a trip to the world’s newest country, South Sudan, where he visited a refugee camp in Yida filled with men, 

MSF Projects in South Sudan in 2011–12
Doctors Without Borders
MSF has been working in the region that today constitutes the Republic of South Sudan since 1983. In 2011, MSF responded to several emergencies, including large-scale displacement, refugee influxes, inter-communal fighting, alarming nutrition 


By Jason Ng of Dow Jones Newswires

Global Deal: Petronas Signs South Sudan Deal to Continue Existing Operations

KUALA LUMPUR – Petroliam Nasional Bhd., or Petronas, said it has signed an agreement with the government of South Sudan that allows it to continue operations it began prior to the country’s 2011 independence from Sudan.

The agreement grants the Malaysia’s state oil and gas company and its partners the right to conduct petroleum-related operations in upstream blocks in Sudan secured under previous exploration and production-sharing agreements, Petronas said in a statement dated Jan. 14.

Petronas’s partners include India’s Oil & Natural Gas Corp., China National Petroleum Corp., China Petroleum & Chemical Corp. and the Cairo-based unlisted Tri-Ocean Energy, the company said.

Petronas is participating in South Sudan exploration and production via a 30% stake in Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company Ltd, a 40% stake in Petrodar Operating Co. and 67.87% of White Nile Petroleum Operating Company Ltd., it said.

http://blogs.wsj.com/dealjournalindia/2012/01/16/global-deal-petronas-signs-south-sudan-deal-to-continue-existing-operations/

Malaysia’s Petronas signs transition agreement for South Sudan blocks

Sydney (Platts)–16Jan2012/719 am EST/1219 GMT

Malaysia’s state-owned Petronas and its partners have signed a transition agreement with the government of the Republic of South Sudan that enables them to continue operating in upstream blocks in South Sudan previously awarded by the government of the Republic of the Sudan, the company said Saturday.

The agreement grants Petronas and its partners the rights to conduct petroleum operations in three contract areas: blocks 1, 2 and 4; blocks 3 and 7; and block 5A. The contract areas had previously been secured under exploration and production sharing agreements.

Petronas subsidiaries hold stakes of 30%, 40% and 67.87% respectively in the three contract areas. The company’s partners are China National Petroleum Corporation, Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation and Tri-Ocean Energy.

Petronas said it has been active in the petroleum industry in the Republic of the Sudan since long before the secession of the Republic of South Sudan in July 2011.
Apart from protecting Petronas’ rights and investments in the existing contract areas, the transition agreement paves the way for an enhanced, mutually beneficial relationship between the joint venturers and the government of South Sudan, the company added.

–Christine Forster, christine_forster@platts.com

http://www.platts.com/RSSFeedDetailedNews/RSSFeed/Oil/8802479

Petronas Scholarship for 8 South Sudanese Undergraduate Students

Education Minister Hails Petronas Assistance

Ater Garang Ariath

22 December 2011

Juba — The Minister of Higher Education, Science and Technology Dr. Peter Adwok Nyaba hailed the developmental assistance of Petronas oil company in South Sudan which gave scholarship awards to eight South Sudanese undergraduate students to Malaysia.

South Sudan needs help in order to improve the facilities of higher education learning and therefore we deeply appreciate your sponsorship to our students and we expect you to assist the Ministry to improve the standard of the five public universities, said Nyaba.

Petronas since its inception in South Sudan overwhelmingly took cooperation and social responsibilities to work hand in hand with our country leadership seeking good ways to help South Sudanese people, Nyaba added.

He called upon South Sudanese students to use wisely the golden opportunity that guarantees them going to study in another country pointing that Malaysia and South Sudan share similarities.

Malaysia is an important partner for the development of South Sudan and we should learn from them a lesson, adding that “knowledge and its application” is driving power for Malaysia development. Nyaba further pointed that the leadership of Malaysia was credible for democracy.

Meanwhile the Deputy Minister of Petroleum and Mining Elizabeth James Bol said that Petronas is an Oil Company in South Sudan that works for wellbeing of South Sudanese.

This company strives to make development a reality in South Sudan through focusing on improving and strengthening human resource to the country and pointed out that two South Sudanese students had already graduated through Petronas sponsorship.

The Vice President of Petronas Human Resource Management Juniwati Rahmati affirmed commitment of the company to offer more scholarships to South Sudan and confirmed this on Tuesday in the occasion Petronas organized in its headquarters.

http://allafrica.com/stories/201112220311.html


The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) Between The Government of the Republic of the Sudan and The Sudan People Liberation Movement/Army.

http://www.aec-sudan.org/docs/cpa/cpa-en.pdf

January 9th, 2012: The 7th Anniversary of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Government of the Sudan (GoS) and the Rebel Movement of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A).

“I and those who joined me in the bush and fought for more than twenty years have brought to you CPA in a golden plate. Our mission is accomplished. It is now your turn, especially those who did not have a chance to experience bush’s life. When time comes to vote at referendum, it is your golden choice to determine your fate. Would you like to vote to be second class citizens in your own country? It is absolutely your choice.”—Dr. John Garang de Mabior, Rumbek, May 15, 2005, after the successful negotiation and signing of the CPA.

By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA.

January 9th, 2012 is a very important day in the history of the Republic of South Sudan. It marks the first commemoration of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) after the independence of South Sudan from (north) Sudan. It is also the seventh anniversary of the CPA since it was negotiated and signed on January 9th, 2005, in Naivasha Kenya. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Government of the Sudan (GoS) and the rebel movement of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) was a landmark event in the troubled history of the Republic of the Sudan that ended the war, guaranteed self-determination for South Sudanese people and successfully ushered in the independence of the current young Republic of South Sudan.

As such a milestone occasion as it is in the living memory of South Sudanese people, one would have expected a plethora of heightened political and cultural activities on January 9th, 2012 among the South Sudanese citizens to memorialize the first anniversary of the CPA in their own independent state, free from Khartoum sabotages and interferences. Yet, as Mading Ngor Akech of the New Sudan Vision—a resident of Canada but currently in Juba, South Sudan—observes on his Facebook page, the “first commemoration of the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in an independent South Sudan [was] ignored by [the] government, as only few hundreds showed up at Independence Square. Only a bunch of peace activists took it upon themselves to mark the occasion with no tribalism, violence, and other progressive chants…No official celebration, no government representation. I bet most have flown out of the country to enjoy ‘long weekend’ in neighboring countries…what, a new and interesting country!”

Of course, it may not be that baffling to figure it out why “only a bunch of peace activists took it upon themselves to mark the occasion” of the first anniversary of the CPA in an independent South Sudan. First, although the CPA ended the bloodshed and granted Southerners freedom from North Sudan, the grand promises and highly expected dividends of South Sudan’s independence—long lasting peace, political stability and sustainable economic development—are few and far between. Lack of long lasting peace and political stability in an independent South Sudan makes it appears as if the country is still practically in a civil war, contrary to the promise of the CPA. Economic development and the prospects of social prosperity are dismissal in spite of the oil money. Instead of resource blessing, there is an apparent foreboding sense of resource curse prevailing among the populace. Irrespective of their social and economic status, most South Sudanese seem to concur that the veterans of South Sudan’s war of independence have found a new cause in grand corruption.

Combined that with the inter-ethnic strife and the pervasive threat of military invasion from (north) Sudan and you would understand and appreciate the political disenchantment and economic disillusionment in South Sudan, barely six months into independence. Believably, those are the reasons why “only a bunch of peace activists took it upon themselves to mark the occasion” of the first anniversary of the CPA in an independent. Celebration is about happiness and appreciation of the event that engineered that particular happiness. While it is apparently clear that most South Sudanese will always be happy about and grateful to the CPA, it is a different matter, altogether, to expect them to pour onto the streets of Juba in glorious celebration when “only a bunch of” top leaders are reaping the fruits of South Sudan’s independence. And while those “chosen few” may not be celebrating in Juba, Mading Ngor might be right to believe that “most [leaders] have flown out of the country to enjoy ‘long weekend’ in neighboring countries.” It is “a new and [an] interesting country” indeed!!

Still, in spite of the existing political malaise, pitiable economic conditions and blossoming intertribal conflicts, political and economic instability in South Sudan, the first anniversary of the CPA in an independent South Sudan is too special in the fabric of our political revolution and in the political physic of the very identity we would want to construct for ourselves, present to the outside world as our national distinctive character and the one to bequeath to our children and children’s children.

So what is the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and of what significance is it to the long arduous political struggle of South Sudanese, to the eventual independence of South Sudan on July 9th, 2011 and to the socio-political edification of the national identity of the Republic of South Sudan?

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was a groundbreaking peace accord negotiated between, and signed by, the Government of the Republic of the Sudan (GoS) under President Omar El-Bashir and the Sudan rebel movement of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (the SPLM/A) under Dr. John Garang de Mabior. According to the Wikipedia site, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), also known as the Naivasha Agreement, “was a set of agreements culminating in January 2005 that were signed between the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the Government of Sudan.  The CPA was meant to end the Second Sudanese Civil War, develop democratic governance countrywide and share oil revenues. It further set a timetable by which Southern Sudan would have a referendum on its independence.”

The CPA was a mutual political commitment by the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) to a “negotiated settlement on the basis of a democratic system of governance which, on the one hand, recognizes the right of the people of Southern Sudan to Self-Determination and seeks to make unity attractive during the interim period, while at the same time is founded on the values of justice, democracy, good governance, respects for fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual, mutual understanding and tolerance of diversity within the realities of the Sudan.”

The CPA was also a realization, among the SPLM/A-NCP’s top leadership, of the stalemate of the war at the frontlines and, subsequently, their desires to resolve “the Sudan conflict in a just and sustainable manner by addressing the root causes of the conflict and by establishing a framework for governance through which power and wealth shall be equitably shared and human rights guaranteed” within a new, better country acceptable to both parties, and all Sudanese people.

The successful negotiation and conclusion of the CPA was borne by the fact that the two negotiating parties of the NCP and the SPLM/A were: “(1) conscious that the conflict in the Sudan [was] the longest running conflict in Africa; that it has caused tragic loss of life, destroyed the infrastructure of the country, eroded its economic resources and caused suffering to the people of the Sudan; (2) mindful of the urgent need to bring peace and security to the people of the Sudan who have endured this conflict for far too long; (3) aware of the fact that peace, stability and development are aspirations shared by all people of the Sudan; [and] (4) recognizing that the present moment offers a window of opportunity to reach a just peace agreement to end the war [in the Sudan, once and forever].”

Conscious, mindful, aware and recognizing those aforesaid factors, the two negotiating parties of the NCP and the SPLM/A, in the Machakos Protocol, agreed that: “(1) the unity of the Sudan, based on the free wills of its people democratic governance, accountability, equality, respect, and justice for all citizens of the Sudan is and shall be the priority of the [two negotiating] parties and that it is possible to redress the grievances of the people of South Sudan and to meet their aspirations within such a framework; (2) the people of South Sudan have the right to control their affairs in their regions and participate equitably in the National government; (3) the people of South Sudan have the right to self-determination through a referendum to determine their future status; (4) religion, customs and traditions are a source of moral strength and inspiration for the Sudanese people; [and finally, among others, to cease fire and] (5) establish a democratic system of governance taking account of the cultural, ethnic, racial, religious and linguistic diversity and gender equality of the people of the Sudan.”

There were two main periods within the CPA: the Pre-Interim Period of six months pending the full implementation of the CPA and the formation of the first Government of National Unity in Khartoum and regional government in Juba, and the Interim Period of six years awaiting the conduct of the South Sudan referendum for self-determination to decide their future status. During the Pre-Interim Period of six months, “the institutions and mechanisms provided for in the Peace Agreement shall be established.” Then throughout the Interim Period of six years, “the institutions and mechanisms established during the Pre-Interim Period shall be operating in accordance with the arrangements and principles set out in the Peace Agreement.”

The end of the six years Interim Period would usher in the referendum on South Sudan self-determination in which “there shall be an internationally monitored referendum, organized jointly by the GoS and the SPLM/A, for the people of South Sudan to: confirm the unity of the Sudan by voting to adopt the system of government established under the Peace Agreement; or to vote for secession.” We all know what happened afterwards: South Sudanese voted with over 99.9% for secession.

Even though there had been numerous peace talks—and indeed peace agreements like the Khartoum and the Fashoda Peace Accords, of Dr. Riek Machar and Dr. Lam Akol respectively—between the Government of the Sudan and the SPLM/A, the real serious negotiation for the CPA commenced only in early 2002, in the immediate aftermath of the September 11 attack masterminded by Osama Bin Laden, once a high-profiled guest of the Khartoum Government. In reality, the final peace process was long and uncertain, running from 2002 till January 2005. For example, the GoS and the SPLM/A “met in continuous negotiations between May 2002 and December 2004, in Karen, Machakos, Nairobi, Nakuru, Nanyuki and Naivasha, Kenya, under the auspices of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) Peace Process, and, in respect of the issues related to the conflict areas of Southern Kordorfan/Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile States and Abyei Area, under the auspices of the Government of the Republic of Kenya.”

Those long continuous negotiations between the two parties resulted in the following protocols—six chapters and two annexure—all of which constituted what we now referred to as the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of the Sudan between the Government of the Sudan and the Sudan’s rebel movement of the SPLM/A:

(1) The Machakos Protocol (Chapter I) was signed in Machakos, Kenya on 20 July 2002. It set out the broad principles of government and governance within the Pre-Interim Period of six months and the Interim Period of six years. It was the Machakos Protocol that guaranteed the right to self-determination for the people of South Sudan besides offering the first priority to “making unity attractive” under a “democratic system of governance taking account of the cultural, ethnic, racial, religious and linguistic diversity and gender equality of the people of the Sudan.”

The clause about South Sudan self-determination enshrined in the Machakos Protocol—and currently the defining essence of the CPA—came about rather “accidental.” Neither the SPLM/A nor the NCP went into the Peace Talk with the zeal of making it the first priority. The SPLM/A first priority was the realization of New Sudan Vision, secular and inclusive country of all Sudanese, while the NCP were adamant about the retention of an Islamic state with more or less of an Arab identity. The incompatibility and the inevitable clash resulted in a nightmarish political stalemate for the negotiators.

Consequently, as a plan B to break the impasse, the clause on South Sudan’s self-determination was introduced—SPLM/A getting the right to conduct a referendum on South Sudan’s self-determination while the NCP obtained the privileges to keep and apply sharia law in all north Sudan except in Khartoum.

Therefore, the right to self-determination for South Sudan was arrived at as a political compromise between the SPLM/A and the NCP—the two parties who signed the CPA. In his article “South Sudan Referendum: First Thing First” Dr. Lam reports thus: “the self-determination in the CPA was an attempt to break the deadlock over the issue of separation of religion from the state and the relation between the religion and the state. So the CPA stipulated that Northerners shall have the right to apply Islamic Sharia in the North provided that Southerners shall have the right to self-determination” in the South.

Astoundingly, by the time the CPA negotiation started, a great number of South Sudanese apparently assumed that the SPLM/A and NCP went into the Peace Talk on the basis of self-determination stipulated in both the Khartoum and the Fashoda peace agreements. That was never the case because as Dr. Lam observed above, the only time the idea of self-determination was brought on the negotiating table was when the NCP refused to accept the basis of a Secular Sudan where religion would be separated from the state. Had the NCP agreed to a non-religious state, self-determination might not have been part of the deal.

(2) Power Sharing Protocol (Chapter II) was signed in Naivasha, Kenya on 26 May 2004. It delineated the sharing of power between Khartoum and Juba amongst the NCP, SPLM/A, South Sudanese and North Sudanese opposition parties. Consequently, in the national assembly in Khartoum, the NCP was to take 52%, SPLM/A 28%, other Northern Political Forces (14%) and other Southern Political Forces 6%. Meanwhile, in the regional government of Southern Sudan in Juba, the SPLM was to take 70%, NCP 15% and other Southern Political Forces 15%.

(3) Wealth Sharing Protocol (Chapter III) was signed in Naivasha, Kenya on 7 January 2004. It outlined the sharing of wealth between the NCP, the SPLM/A, and other oil-producing states of the Sudan. Under the management of the National Petroleum Commission, the South Sudan’s oil—which was the main national wealth to be shared—was shared equally (50-50) between the two parties: NCP was given 50%, SPLM/A 50% and the oil-producing states 2%. It was also under the Wealth Sharing Agreement that the Reconstruction and Development Funds—Southern Sudan Reconstruction and Development Funds (SSRDF), National Reconstruction and Development Funds (NRDF) and the Multi-Donor Trust Funds (MDTF)—were established to help in the reconstruction and development of the war-torn regions.

(4) The Protocol on the Resolution of the Conflict in Abyei Area (Chapter IV) was signed in Naivasha, Kenya on 26 May 2004. It guarantee the sharing of power between the NCP, the SPLM/A, the Ngok Dinka and the Misseriya Arabs, in addition to a referendum for the Abyei residents to determine their future status of either remaining as part of Southern Kordofan, Sudan or joining Bhar el Ghazal, South Sudan.  The protocol defined Abyei as “the area of nine Ngok Dinka chiefdoms transferred to Kordofan in 1905” while permitting the Misseriya and other nomadic peoples to “retain their traditional rights to graze cattle and move across the territory of Abyei.” Meanwhile, the residents of Abyei would be citizens of both Southern Kordofan and Bhar el Ghazal states, with representation in both state assemblies, pending Abyei Referendum that was to happen concurrently with the South Sudan’s plebiscite.

(5) The Protocol on the Resolution of the Conflict in Southern Kordorfan/Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile States (Chapter V) was signed in Naivasha, Kenya on 26 May 2004 enshrining human rights and fundamental freedoms, in addition to the protection and development of the diverse cultural heritage and local languages of the population. Most importantly, it called for the people of the Southern Kordorfan and Blue Nile States to be given the right to conduct Popular Consultation—“the democratic right and mechanism to ascertain the views of the people of the Southern Kordorfan/Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile States on the comprehensive agreement reached by the Government of the Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement.” Administratively, the NCP was to take 55% of the state government while the SPLM/A-N takes 45%.

(6) The Agreement on Security Arrangements (Chapter VI) was signed in Naivasha, Kenya on 25 September 2003 affirming that, during the interim period; the two armies of the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (the SPLA) were to remain separate and would be considered and treated equally. SPLA forces in Nuba Mountain and Southern Blue Nile, as well as the SAF forces in South Sudan, were to relocate to their respective borders of the 1/1/1956 with the exception of those forces operating under the Joint/Integrated Units (the JIU). The Joint/Integrated Units—which was composed of equal numbers of the SAF and the SPLA—was an experimental army to assess and establish a post referendum army of the Sudan, just in case South Sudan were to vote for unity.

(7) The Permanent Ceasefire and Security Arrangements Implementation Modalities and Appendices (Annexure I) was signed in Naivasha, Kenya on 31 December 2004 with both parties agreeing to “(a) permanent ceasefire among all their forces with the broader objective of sustaining the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, promoting peace culture, reconciliation and confidence building, [and] (b) permanent cessation of hostilities between SAF and SPLA within 72 hours of the signature of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.” Redeployment, demobilization, disarmament, re-integration and reconciliation would then ensue based on different phases and the unique circumstances of the various designated assembly areas.

(8) The Implementation Modalities and Global Implementation Matrix and Appendices (Annexure II) was signed in Naivasha, Kenya on 31 December 2004 wherein the implementation modalities of all the protocols were outlined, explained and ascertained according to the letter and spirit of the CPA. The Implementation Modalities and Global Implementation Matrix and Appendices were to act as the “appropriate mechanisms for resolving any discrepancies that may arise during the implementation process.”

The CPA was jointly signed by Ali Osman Taha, first vice president of the Republic of the Sudan, on behalf of the government of the Republic of the Sudan, and Dr. John Garang de Mabior, chairman of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army, on behalf of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army. The Peace Accord was witnessed by the following people: President Mwai Kibaki of Kenya, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Foreign Affairs Minister Ahmed Aboul of Egypt, Senator deputy FM Afredo Mantica of Italy, Special Envoy Fred Racke of the Royal Kingdom of Netherland, Minister Hilde Johnson of Royal Norwegian Government, Hilary Benn of the UK and Northern Ireland, Secretary of State Colin Powel of the USA, Chairman Alpha Oumar Konare of the AU, Charles Goerens of the EU, Secretary General Amre Moussa of the Arab League and Jan Pronk of the United Nations.

Is CPA fully implemented? Is it a success story? By and large, the CPA is way better than all the previous South Sudanese Accords signed or promised. Although the promised referendum on Abyei Area and Popular Consultations among the people of Southern Kordorfan/Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile States are yet to be materialized, the CPA dividends and successes are undeniable. Of all the numerous successes of the CPA, unlike the Addis Ababa Agreement, the successful conduct of the South Sudan’s referendum on self-determination and the proclamation of South Sudan’s independence are special, historic events unprecedented in the long painful history of South Sudan.

Of course, there were, and still are, serious challenges in the implementation of the CPA, not least the untimely death of Dr. John Garang, the political wrangling over the distribution of the ministerial posts in the GoNU, the acrimonious relationship between the SPLM/A and the NCP that once led to a temporary withdrawal of the SPLM/A from the national government, the suspicion over the census results and the heightened political anxiety towards the conduct of South Sudan plebiscite amid rebellions from war-lords probably back by the north. But in the end, we all know how it ended: freedom. While it may now emerge as if we had arrived home with an empty pot of water from the well, the fact of the matter is that we owned it and we can take it back to the well to collect more water or just remold and shape it to produce a better one.

In hindsight though, looking back to 2005, the CPA is but the culmination of all the previous peace accords attempted, negotiated, signed but dishonored, between South Sudanese and the Khartoum’s Government. The CPA is a fulfillment of the Koka Dam Accord, the Abuja I and II, the Juba Conference, the Torit, Bor and Akobo Mutinies and the Frankfurt Accord. It is the final realization and incarnation of the Addis Ababa Agreement of the 1972 and the fruition of South Sudan’s referendum. It is the embodiment of our sacrifices and the manifestation of our resolves.

That the CPA exemplifies all that there is within the realm of the history of South Sudanese struggle is the reason why it should be annually commemorated irrespective of the current socioeconomic and political realities in South Sudan. It is just good and befitting for and by its own self. It is the history of us, now and in the foreseeable future!

You can reach PaanLuel Wël at paanluel2011@gmail.com, Facebook Page, Twitter account OR at his blog: https://paanluelwel2011.wordpress.com/

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement.pdf The Comprehensive Peace Agreement.pdf
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The 7th Anniversary of the CPA Between the Government of the Sudan and the SPLM.pdf The 7th Anniversary of the CPA Between the Government of the Sudan and the SPLM.pdf
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THE ADDIS ABABA AGREEMENT ON THE PROBLEM OF SOUTH SUDAN

Draft Organic Law to organize Regional Self-Government in the Southern provinces of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan

In accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan and in realization of the memorable May Revolution Declaration of June 9, 1969, granting the Southern Provinces of the Sudan Regional Self-Government within a united socialist Sudan, and in accordance with the principle of the May Revolution that the Sudanese people participate actively in and supervise the decentralized system of the government of their country, it is hereunder enacted:

 

Article 1.

 

This law shall be called the law for Regional Self-Government in the Southern Provinces. It shall come into force and a date within a period not exceeding thirty days from the date of Addis Ababa Agreement.

Article 2.

 

This law shall be issued as an organic law which cannot be amended except by a three-quarters majority of the People’s National Assembly and confirmed by a two-thirds majority in a referendum held in the three Southern Provinces of the Sudan.

 

                               CHAPTER I: DEFINITIONS

Article 3.

a) ‘Constitution’ refers to the Republican Order No. 5 or any other basic law replacing or amending it.

b) ‘President’ means the president of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan.

c) ‘Southern Provinces of the Sudan’ means the Provinces of Bahr El Ghazal, Equatoria and Upper Nile in accordance with their boundaries as they stood January 1, 1956, and other areas that were culturally and geographically a part of the Southern Complex as may be decided by a referendum.

‘People’s Regional Assembly” refers to the legislative body for the Southern Region of the Sudan.

‘High Executive Council’ refers to t he Executive council appointed by the President on the recommendation of the President of the High Executive Council and such body shall supervise the administration and direct public affairs in the Southern Region of the Sudan.

‘President of the High Executive Council’ refers the person appointed by the President on the recommendation of the People’s Regional Assembly to lead and supervise the executive organs responsible for the administration of the Southern Provinces.

‘People’s National Assembly’ refer to the National Legislative Assembly representing the people of the Sudan in accordance with the constitution.

‘Sudanese’ refers to any Sudanese citizens as defined by the Sudanese Nationality Act 1957 and any amendment thereof.

 

                                                                         

CHAPTER II

 

Article 4. The Provinces of Bahr El Ghazal, Equatoria and Upper Nile as defined in Article 3. (iii) shall constitute a self-governing Region within the Democratic Republic of the Sudan and be known as the Southern Region.

Article 5. The Southern Region shall have legislative and executive organs, the functions and power of which are defined by this law.

Article 6. Arabic shall be official language for the Sudan and English the principle language for the Southern Region without prejudice to the use of any language or languages, which may serve a practical necessity for the efficient and expeditious discharge of executive and administrative functions of the Region.

 

                                                                          CHAPTER III

 

Article 7. Neither the People’s Regional Assembly nor the High Executive Council shall legislate or exercise any powers on matters of national nature which are:

National Defense

External Affairs

Currency and Coinage

Air and Inter-Regional Transport

Communications and Telecommunications

Customs and Foreign Trade except for border trade and certain commodities, which the Regional Government may specify with the approval of the Central Government.

Nationality and Immigration (Emigration)

Planning for Economic and Social Development

Educational Planning

Public-Audit.

 

                                                            CHAPTER IV

 

Article 8. Regional Legislation in the Southern Region is exercised by a People’s Regional Assembly elected by Sudanese Citizens resident in the Southern Region. The constitution and condition of membership of the Assembly shall be determined by law.

Article 9. Members of the People’s Regional Assembly shall be elected by direct secret ballot.

 

Article 10.

For the First Assembly the President may appoint additional members to the People’s Regional Assembly where conditions for elections are not conducive to such elections as stipulated in Article 9, provided that such appointed members shall not exceed one-quarter of the Assembly.

The People’s Regional Assembly shall regulate the conduct of its business in accordance with rules of procedures to be laid down by the said Assembly during it first sitting.

The People’s Regional Assembly shall elect one of its members as a speaker, provided that the first sitting shall be presided over by the Interim President of the High Executive Council.

 

Article 11. The People’s Regional Assembly shall legislate for the preservation of public order, interim security, efficient administration and the development of the Southern Region in cultural, economic and social fields and in particular in the following:

Promotion and utilization of Regional financial resources for the development and administration of the Southern Region.

Organization of the machinery for Regional and Local Administration.

Legislation on traditional law and custom within the framework of National Law.

Establishment, maintenance and administration of prisons and reformatory institutions.

Establishment, maintenance and administration of Public Schools at all levels in accordance with National Plans for education and economic and social development.

Promotion of local languages and cultures.

Town and village planning and the construction of roads in accordance with National Plans and programs

Promotion of trade; establishment of local industries and markets; issue of traders’ licenses and formation of co-operation societies.

Establishment, maintenance and administration of public hospitals.

Administration of environmental health services; maternity care; child welfare; supervision of markets; combat of epidemic diseases; training of medical assistants and rural midwives; establishment of health centers, dispensaries and dressing stations.

Promotion of animal health; control of epidemics and improvement of animal production and trade.

Promotion of tourism

Establishment of zoological gardens, museums, organizations of trade and cultural exhibitions.

Mining and quarrying without prejudice to the right of the Central Government in the event of the discovery of natural gas and minerals.

Recruitment for, organization and administration of Police and Prison services in accordance with the national policy and standards.

Land use in accordance with national laws.

Control and prevention of pests and plant diseases.

Development, utilization, and protection of forests crops and pastures in accordance with national laws.

Promotion and encouragement of self-help programmes.

All other matters delegated by the President or the People’s National Assembly for legislation.

 

Article 12. The People’s National Assembly may call for facts and information concerning the conduct of administration in the Southern Region.

 

Article 13.

The People’s Regional Assembly may, by a three-quarters majority and for specified reasons relating to public interest, request the President of relieve the President or any member of the High Executive Council from office. The President shall accede to such request.

in case of vacancy, relief or resignation of the President of the High Executive Council, the entire body shall be considered as having automatically resigned.

 

Article 14. The People’s Regional Assembly may, by a two-thirds majority, request the President to postpone the coming into force of any law which, in the view of the members, adversely affects the welfare and interests of the citizens of the Southern Region. The President may, if he thinks fit, accede to such request.

 

Article 15.

The People’s Regional Assembly may, by a majority of its members, request the President to withdraw any Bill presented to the People’s National Assembly which in their view affects adversely the welfare, rights or interests of the citizens in the Southern Region, pending communication of the views of the People’s Regional Assembly.

If the President accedes to such request, the People’s Regional Assembly shall present its views within 15 days from the date accession to the request.

The President accedes to such request, The People’s Regional Assembly together with his own observation if he deems necessary.

Article 16. The People’s National Assembly shall communicate all Bills and Acts of the People’s Regional Assembly for their information. The People’s Regional Assembly shall act similarly.

 

                                                   CHAPTER V: THE EXECUTIVE

 

Article 17. The Regional Executive Authority is vested in a High Executive Council which acts on behalf of the President.

Article 18. The High Executive Council shall specify the duties of the various departments in the Southern Region provided that on matters relating to Central Government Agencies it shall act with approval of the President.

Article 19. The President of the High Executive council shall be appointed and relieved of office by the President on the recommendation of the People’s Regional Assembly.

Article 20. The High Executive Council shall be composed of members appointed and relieved of office by the President on the recommendation of the President of the High Executive Council

Article 21. The President of the High Executive Council and its members are responsible to the President and to the People’s Regional Assembly for efficient administration in the Southern Region. They shall take an oath of office before the President.

Article 22. The President and members of the High Executive Council may attend meetings of the People’s Regional Assembly and participate in its deliberations without the right of vote, unless they are also members of the People’s Regional Assembly.

 

CHAPTER VI

 

Article 23. The president shall form time to time regulate the relationship between the high Executive Council and the central ministries.

Article 24. The High Executive Council may initiate laws for the creation of a Regional Public Service. These laws shall specify the terms and conditions of service for the Regional Public Service.

 

                                                                 CHAPTER VII: FINANCE

 

Article 25. The People’s Regional Assembly may levy Regional duties and taxes in addition to National and Local duties and taxes. It may issue legislation and orders to guarantee the collection of all public monies at different levels.

(One) The source of revenue of the Southern Region shall consist of the following:-

Direct and indirect regional taxes.

Contribution from People’s Local Government Councils

Revenue from commercial, industrial and agricultural projects in the Region in accordance with the National Plan.

Funds from the National Treasury for established services.

Funds voted by the people’s National Assembly in accordance with the requirements of the Region.

The Special Development Budget for the South as presented by the People’s Regional Assembly for the acceleration of economic and social advancement of the Southern Region as envisaged in the declaration of June 9, 1968.

 

CHAPTER VIII: OTHER PROVISIONS

 

Article 26. Citizens of the Southern Region shall constitute a sizeable proportion of the People’s Armed Forces in such reasonable numbers as will correspond to the population of the region.

the use of the People’s Armed Forces within the Region and outside the framework of national defense shall be controlled by the President of the advice of the President of the High Executive Council

Temporary arrangements for the composition of units of the People’s Armed Forces in the Southern Region are provided for in the Protocol on Interim Arrangements.

 

Article 27. The President may veto any Bill which he deems contrary to the Provisions of the National Constitution provided the People’s Regional Assembly, after receiving the President’s views, may reintroduce the Bill.

 

Article 28. The President and members of the High Executive Council may initiate laws in the People’s Regional Assembly.

 

Article 29. Any member of the People’s Regional Assembly may initiate any law provided that financial Bills shall not be presented without sufficient notice tot he President of the High Executive Council.

 

Article 30. The People’s Regional Assembly shall strive to consolidate the unity of the Sudan and respect the spirit of the National Constitution.

 

Article 31. All citizens are guaranteed freedom of movement in and out of the Southern Region, provided restriction or prohibition of movement may be imposed on a named citizen solely on grounds of public health and order.

 

Article 32.a) All citizens resident in the Southern Region are guaranteed equal opportunity of education, employment, commerce and the practice of any profession.

No law adversely affect the rights of citizens enumerated in the previous item on the basis of race, tribal origin, religion, place of birth, or sex.

 

Article 33. Juba shall be the Capital of the Southern Region and the seat of the Regional Executive and Legislature.

 

APPENDIX A: FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS

 

The following should be guaranteed by the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan.

 

A citizen should not be deprived of his citizenship

Equality of citizens.

a) All citizens, without distinction based on race, national origin, birth, language, sec, economic or social status, should have equal rights and duties before the law.

All persons should be equal before the courts of law and should have the rights to institute legal proceedings in order to remove any injustice or declare any right in an open court without delay prejudicing their interest.

Personal liberty.

a) Penal liability should be personal. Any kind of collective punishment should be prohibited.

The accused should be presumed innocent until proved guilty.

Retrospective penal legislation and punishment should be prohibited.

The right of the accused to defend himself personally or through an agent should be guaranteed.

No person should be arrested, detained or imprisoned except in accordance with the due process of law, and no person should remain in custody or detention for more than twenty-four hours without judicial order.

No accused person should be subjected to inducement, intimidation of torture in order to extract evidence from him whether in his favor or against him or against any other person, and no humiliating punishment should be inflicted on any convicted person.

Freedom of Religion and Conscience.

Every person should enjoy freedom of religious opinion and of conscience and the right to profess them publicly and privately and to establish religious institutions subject to reasonable limitations in favor of morality, health or public order as prescribed by law.

Parents and Guardians should be guaranteed the right to educate their children and those under their care in accordance with the relation of their choice.

Protection of Labor.

i) Forced and compulsory labor of any kind should be prohibited except when ordered for military or civil necessity or pursuant to penal punishment prescribed by law.

ii) The right to equal pay for equal work should be guaranteed.

Freedom of minority to use their languages and develop their culture should be guaranteed.

 

APPENDIX B: DRAFT ORDINANCE ON ITEMS OR REVENUE AND GRANTS-IN-AID FOR THE SOUTHERN REGION

 

Profits accruing to the Central Government as a result of exporting products of the Southern Region.

Business Profit Tax of the Southern Region that are at present in the Central list of the Ministry of Treasury.

Excise Duties on alcoholic beverages and spirits consumed in the Southern Region.

Profits on sugar consumed in Southern Region.

Royalties of forest products of the Southern Region.

Royalties on leaf Tobacco and Cigarettes.

Taxation on property other than that provided in the Rates Ordinance.

Taxes and Rates on Central and Local Government Projects (5 percent of net profits of factories, co-operative societies, agricultural enterprises and cinemas).

Revenue accruing from Central Government activities in the Southern Region provided the Region shall bear maintenance expenses e.g., Post Office revenue, land sales, sale of forms and documents, stamp duties and any other item to e specified from time to time.

Licenses other than those provided for in the People’s Local Government Act, 1971.

Special Development Tax to be paid by Residents in the Southern Region the rate of which should be decided by the People’s Regional Assembly.

Income Tax collected from officials and employees serving in the Southern Region both in the local and national civil services as well as in the Army, Police and Prisons, Judiciary, and Political Establishment.

Corporation Tax on any factory and/or agricultural project established in the Region but not run by the Regional Government (5 percent of the initial cost).

Contribution from the Central Government for the encouragement of construction and development; for every agricultural project, industrial project and trading enterprise (20 percent of the initial cost as assessed by the Central Government).

New Social Service Projects to be established by the Region or any of its Local Government units, and for which funds are allocated, shall receive grants from the National Treasury in the following manner:

Education institution, 20 percent of expenses.

Trunk and through Roads and Bridges, 25 per cent of expenses.

Relief and Social amenities, 15 percent of expenses.

Tourist attraction projects 25 percent of expenses.

Security, 15 percent of expenses.

Grants for Post Secondary and University education within the Sudan, 20 percent of grants, outside the Sudan 30 percent of grants.

Contribution for Research, Scientific Advancement, and Cultural Activities, 25 percent of expenses.

 

AGREEMENT OF THE CEASE-FIRE IN THE SOUTHERN REGION

 

Article 1. This Agreement shall come into force on the date and time specified for the ratification of the Addis Ababa Agreement.

Article 2. There will be an end to all military operations and to all armed actions in the Southern Region from the time of cease-fire.

Article 3. All combat forces shall remain in the area under their control at the time of the cease-fire.

Article 4. Both parties agree to forbid any individual or collective acts of violence.

Any underground activities contrary to public order shall cease.

Article 5. Movements of individual members of both combat forces outside the areas under their control shall be allowed only if these individuals are unarmed and authorized by their respective authorities. The plans for stationing troops from the National Army shall be such as to avoid any contact between them and the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement combat forces.

Article 6. A joint Commission is hereby created for the implementation of all questions related to the cease-fire including repatriation of refugees. The Joint Commission shall include members from all the countries bordering on the Southern Region as well as representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross, World Council of Churches, all Africa Conference of Churches and United Nations High Commissioner for Refuges.

Article 7. The joint Commission shall propose all measures to be undertaken by both parties in dealing with all incidents after a full inquiry on the spot.

Article 8. Each party shall be represented on the Joint Commission by one senior military officer and maximum of five other members.

Article 9. The headquarters of the Joint Commission shall be located in Juba with provincial branches in Juba, Malakal and Wau.

Article 10. The Joint Commission shall appoint local commission in various centers of the Southern Region composed of two members from each party.

 

PROTOCOLS ON INTERIM ARRANGEMENTS

 

CHAPTER 1: INTERIM ADMINISTRATIVE ARRANGEMENTS

 

(Political, Local Government and Civil Service)

 

Article 1. The President of the Democratic Republic of Sudan shall, in consultation with the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement (S.S.L.M) and branches of the Sudanese Socialist Union in the Southern Region, appoint the president and members of an Interim High Executive Council.

Article 2. The Interim High Executive Council shall consist of the President and other members with portfolios in:

 

1 Finance and Economic Planning.

2 Education

3 Information, Culture and Tourism

4 Communication and Transport

5 Agriculture, Animal Production and Fisheries.

6 Public Health.

7 Regional Administration (Local Government, Legal Affairs, Police and Prisons).

8 Housing, Public Works and Utilities

9 Natural Resources and Rural Development (Land Use, Rural Water Supply, Forestry and Cooperatives).

10 Public Service and Labor

11 Minerals and Industry, Trade and Supply.

Article 3. The interim High Executive Council shall, in accordance with national laws, establish a Regional Civil Service subject to ratification by the People’s Regional Assembly.

Article 4. The President shall, in consultation with the Interim High Executive Council determine the date for the election to the People’s Regional Assembly, and the Interim High Executive Council shall make arrangements for the setting up of this Assembly.

Article 5. In order to facilitate the placement in and appointment to both central and regional institutions, the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement shall compile and communicate lists of citizens of the Southern Region outside of the Sudan in accordance with details to be supplied by the Ministry of Public Service and Administrative Reform.

Article 6. The Interim High Executive Council and the Ministry of Public Service and Administrative Reform shall undertake to provide necessary financial allocations with effect from the 192\72-73 Budget for such placements and appointments.

Article 7. The Mandate of the Interim High Executive Council shall not exceed a period of 18 months.

  

CHAPTER II: TEMPORARY ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE COMPOSITION OF UNITS OF THE PEOPLE’S ARMED FORCES IN THE SOUTHERN REGION.

 

Article 1. These arrangements shall remain in force for a period of five years subject to revision by the President of the request of the President of the High Executive Council acting with the consent of the People’s Regional Assembly.

 

Article 2. The People’s Armed Forces in the Southern Region shall consist of a national force called the Southern Command composed of 12,000 officers and men of whom 6,000 shall be citizens from the Region and the other 6,000 from outside the Region.

 

Article 3. The recruitment and integration of citizens from the Southern Region within the aforementioned Forces shall be determined by a Joint Military Commission taking into account the need for initial separate deployment of troops with a view to achieve smooth integration in the national force. The commission shall ensure that this deployment shall be such that an atmosphere of peace and confidence shall prevail in the Southern Region.

 

Article 4. The joint Military Commission shall be composed of three senior military officers from each side. Decision of the Joint Military Commission shall be taken unanimously. In case of disagreement such matters shall be referred to the respective authorities.

CHAPTER III: AMNESTY AND JUDICIAL ARRANGEMENTS

 

Article 1. No action or other legal proceedings whatsoever, civil or criminal, shall be instituted against any person in any court of law for or on account of any act or matter done inside or outside the Sudan as from the 18th day of August 1995, if such act or matter was done in connection with mutiny, rebellion or sedition in the Southern Region.

 

Article 2. If a civil suit in relation to any acts or matters referred to in Article 1 is instituted before or after the date of ratification of the Addis Ababa Agreement such a suit shall be discharged and made null and void.

 

Article 3. All persons serving terms of imprisonment or held in detention in respect of offences herein before specified in Article 1 shall be discharged of released within 15 days for the date of ratification of the Addis Ababa Agreement.

 

Article 4. The joint Cease-fire Commission shall keep a register of all civilian returnees, which register shall serve to certify that the person therein named are considered indemnified within the meaning of this Agreement provided that the commission may delegate such power to the Sudan in the case of citizens from the Southern Region living abroad and to whom the provisions of this Agreement apply.

 

Article 5. In the case of armed returnees or those belonging to combat forces the Joint Military Commission shall keep a similar register of those persons who shall be treated in the same manner as provided for in Article 4.

Article 6. Notwithstanding the provisions of Articles 4 and 5 above a Special Tribunal with ad hoc judicial powers shall be established to examine and decide on those cases which in the estimation of the authorities do not meet the conditions for amnesty specified in Article 1 of this Agreement. The Special Tribunal shall be composed of a President appointed by the President of the Republic and not more than four members named by the Cease-fire Commission.

 

Article 7. Cases referred to in Article 6 shall be brought to the attention of the Special Tribunal by request of the Minister of Justice.

 

Article 8. The Amnesty Provision contained in this Agreement as well as the powers of Special Tribunal shall remain in force until such time as the President after consultation with the commissions referred to in this

 

Article 9. Although resettlement and rehabilitation of refugees and displaced persons is administratively the responsibility of the Regional Government the present conditions in the Southern Region dictate that efforts of the whole nation of the Sudan and International organizations should be pooled to help and rehabilitate persons affected by the conflict. The Relief and Resettlement Commission shall co-ordinate activities and resources of the Organization within the country.

 

Article 10. The first priority shall be the resettlement of displaced persons within the Sudan in the following order:

1 Persons presently residing in overcrowded centers in the Southern Region, and persons desirous to return to their original areas and homes;

 

2 Persons returning from the bush including Anayanya Supporters;

3 Handicapped persons and orphans

 

Article 11. The second priority shall be given to returnees from the neighboring and other countries according to an agreed plan. This plan shall provide for:

1 Adequate reception centers with facilities for shelter, food supplies, medicine and medicaments;

2 Transportation to permanent resettlement villages or places of origin.

3 Materials and equipment.

 

                       Article 12. The Relief and Resettlement Commission shall:

1 Appeal to international organizations and voluntary agencies to continue assistance for students already under their support particularly for students in secondary schools and higher institutions until appropriate arrangements are made for their repartition;

2 Compile adequate information on students and persons in need of financial support from the Sudan Government.

 

Article 13. The Relief and Resettlement Commission shall arrange for the education of all returnees who were attending primary schools.

This agreement is hereby concluded on this twenty-seventh day of the month of February in the year one thousand nine hundred and seventy two, A.D, in this city Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, between the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan on the one hand and the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement on the other. It shall come into force on the date and hour fixed for its ratification by the President of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan and the Leader of the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement. It shall be ratified by the said by two Leaders in person or through their respective authorized Representatives, in this city, Addis Ababa Ethiopia, at the twelfth hour at noon, on the twelfth day of the month of March, in the year on thousand nine hundred and seventy two, A.D.

In witness whereof, we the Representatives of the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan and the Representatives of the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement hereby append our signatures in the presence of the Representative of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Ethiopia and the Representatives of the World Council of Churches, the All Africa Conference of Churches, and the Sudan Council of Churches.

 

FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE SUDAN

 

Abel Alier-Wal Kuai, Vice President and Minister of State for Southern Affairs.

Dr. Mansour Khalid, Minister for foreign Affairs.

Dr. Gaafar Mohammed Ali Bakheit, Minister for Local Government

Major-General Mohammed Al Baghir Ahmed, Minister of Interior.

Abel Rahman Abdalla, Minister of Public Service and Administrative Reform.

Brigadier Mirghani Suleiman

Colonel Kamal Abashar.

 

FOR THE SOUTHERN SUDAN LIBERATION MOVEMENT

 

Ezboni Mondiri Gwonza, Leader of the Delegation.

Dr. Lawrence Wol Wol, Secretary of the Delegation. Mading deGarang, Spokesman of the Delegation.

Colonel Frederick Brian Maggot, Special Military Representative.

Oliver Batali Albino, Member.

Anelo Voga Morjan, Member.

Rev. Paul Puot, Member.

Job Adier de Jok, Member.

 

Witnesses

 

Nabiyelul Kifle, Representative of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Ethiopia.

Leopolda J. Niilus, Representative of the World Council of Churches.

Kodwo E. Akrah, Representative of the World Council of Churches.

Burgess Carr, General Secretary All Africa Council of Churches.

Samuel Athi Bwogo, Representative of the Sudan Council of Churches.

Attestation