Posts Tagged ‘Salva Kiir’


By William Maclean

NAIROBI, Aug 2 (Reuters) The new leader of former southern Sudanese rebels is a natural consensus-builder more skilled at solving political disputes in the oil-exporting south than his often autocratic predecessor John Garang, experts say.

Political cohesion is a critical issue in rebuilding the politically-fractious south following a north-south war in Africa’s largest country, where southern rebels have long demanded the right of self-determination for the south.

The speed with which the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) named Salva Kiir as Garang’s successor confirms his status as a unifying figure in a group composed of tribes prone to commercial rivalries and harassed by pro-Khartoum militias.

“He’s a pragmatic military man, a commander on the ground, who has the personality to bring people together,” said Kenyan diplomat Bethuel Kiplagat.

“He’s a stabilising influence,” said veteran Sudan watcher and aid worker Dan Eiffe. “It’s going to be a different style of leadership. It will be more of a group.”

Kiir, a military man in his 50s, was appointed on Monday after former rebel leader Garang died when a Ugandan helicopter he was travelling in went down in bad weather.

Analysts say Kiir may bring a more collegial style to the SPLM leadership which Garang had long dominated with a widely-resented, centralised style of decision-making much in evidence during his negotiation of a January peace accord.

“The SPLM is likely to be more unified under Salva and the speed with which he was appointed reflects that,” said Horn of Africa expert Alex de Waal.

“Garang was a controversial and not particularly liked figure. Salva is a much more unifying figure.”

“He is the right man for the job. (President Omar Hassan al-) Bashir would be a fool to do anything other than welcome him.”

The SPLM fought a civil war for more autonomy for the largely animist and Christian south for 21 years. Two million people were killed and four million uprooted in the conflict.

NATIONAL POWER

The accords give the SPLM a slice of national power, with Garang becoming Sudan’s First Vice President in a new power-sharing government, a job Kiir is now expected to take up.

In November 2004 an open rift emerged between the two men amid allegations in the higher ranks of the SPLM that Garang was failing to consult his colleagues on key decisions he made in peace talks held in Kenya with officials from Khartoum.

Kiir reportedly surrounded himself with loyal troops and refused to leave his compound in Yei town to meet Garang. The situation was partly defused by visits to Yei by emissaries from Garang, the International Crisis Group think tank reported.

Garang himself denied there was ever problem with Kiir, and Kiir has declined to comment on the reports of a rift.

Kiir, like Garang a Dinka, the largest single ethnic group in the south, supported Garang during a period of internal splits and rebellions in the early 1990s.

Along with many in the SPLM, Kiir privately takes a tougher line than Garang took on southern self-determination, experts say, although publicly he has supported Garang’s opinion that it would be preferable for Sudan to remain one country.

Under the peace accords, southerners have the right to vote for secession at the end of a six-year interim period, a concession granted by the Islamist government in response to the rebels’ core demand for the right of self-determination.

Experts say anecdotal evidence shows that southerners would vote en masse for secession if the vote were taken today.

“Garang was the best hope for the unity option, so with his death a unity vote is now perhaps less likely,” said de Waal.

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By TANALEE SMITH

KHARTOUM, Sudan, Aug 10, 2005 (AP) — He battled the northern government through 21 years of civil war, founded the southern rebel movement at the side of the beloved John Garang and strategized many military successes in the long fight for autonomy.

Now, after Garang’s death in a helicopter crash, Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit is stepping into his shoes. On Thursday, the commander of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army will be inaugurated as Sudan’s first vice president and president of the new, autonomous southern government, part of a peace deal power-sharing arrangement between north and south.

The job comes with a particular twist: Kiir must make unity with the north attractive to southerners – even though he himself has called for secession.

While Kiir has no political experience, analysts and diplomats say he’s up to the challenge. And his popularity in southern Sudan could prove to be the glue that holds the country together.

“I know him as somebody who thinks before he takes a decision, but when he takes a decision, he sticks with it,” said Jan Pronk, the United Nations representative in Sudan. “I know him as somebody who has the respect of all the commanders (in the SPLA) and who has respect also from the people in Khartoum because he is a strong military commander.”

Kiir also is known for having a cool head and being able to resolve disputes.

“The man is no slouch intellectually, and he is a leader,” said Roger Winter, the U.S. special representative to Sudan. “He’s his own man, a successful man, a well-liked man in the movement, he’s got a broad following, he’s got a different set of experiences . . . In spite of the fact that he’s a military man, he’s also got a reputation for being collegial in the way he does business. We all know that wasn’t always Dr. John’s (Garang’s) trait.”

In the rebel movement that was known for various splits since it was organized in 1983, Kiir stands out as one who never challenged Garang – declaring himself a fighter, not a politician.

A member of the Dinka tribe, southern Sudan’s largest, Kiir joined the separatist Anyanya movement as a teenager in the 1960s. When that rebellion ended with a peace deal in 1972, he joined the Sudanese army and rose to the rank of captain.

But in 1983, he joined with Garang in deserting from the army and forming the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army, a group that fought for autonomy for the mainly animist and Christian south from the Islamic-dominated northern government.

Kiir – who had more military experience than Garang – was relied on heavily in fighting. Many of the SPLA’s biggest successes in battle were attributed to his leadership, and in 1999 he was made the rebel army’s chief of staff.

He also was a key player in early peace negotiations, leading the southern team to Machakos, Kenya, in 2002 and signing a protocol under which the south was granted the right to hold a referendum on self-determination six years after the signing of a peace agreement – an event finally happened in January.

Kiir was absent from later stages of the negotiations under which the south was granted rights to its natural wealth – oil – and power-sharing in the central government, including giving the post of vice president to the SPLM leader.

Shortly after Garang took office, he named Kiir, his longtime deputy, as vice president of the government of southern Sudan.

In the days since Garang’s death July 30, Kiir has promised to continue the late leader’s vision for Sudan through implementation of the comprehensive peace agreement. Garang had always said he wanted a unified Sudan, with more autonomy for the south.

Kiir, however, was known to favour a separate state in southern Sudan, an ideology that makes him popular in the south. A recent USAID survey said about 96 per cent of southerners want to secede.

The peace agreement, with its power-sharing measures, is supposed to help make unity more attractive to southerners before they hold their referendum on secession in 2011.

Kiir has always been popular in the south. As recently as December, there was a near split within the SPLM when it was rumoured Garang might remove Kiir as chief of staff.

Ghazi Salahuddin Atabani, a former presidential adviser in the peace talks and now head of a think tank, said Kiir’s calm temperament would help him.

“Those dealing with him are always at ease, more than they used to be in the presence of Garang,” Atabani told Al-Wan newspaper. “Therefore, he is more capable of handling a political action with wisdom and would be able to unify the southerners.”

But Atabani said that Kiir would also have to devote time to northern issues and cultivating international contacts – to becoming a politician – lest he face difficulties in the national unity government, which includes President Omar al-Bashir and Vice President Ali Osman Mohammed Taha.

“It takes three to tango in this government, and you can’t do it very well with one of them limping,” Atabani told The Associated Press.


The Battle for the SPLM’s Chairmanship Heats Up!!

By PaanLuel Wël

Our former VP and current Deputy Chairperson of the ruling SPLM party, Dr. Riek Machar, has announced that he would “soon hold a press conference to address the nation on the party’s future and other pressing issues in the country.” Specifically, Dr. Machar is going to “unveil resolutions passed against the actions of the party chairperson Salva Kiir, also South Sudan’s president.”

Demo-cracy or Demo-crazy?

Demo-cracy or Demo-crazy?

In the layperson’s language, this is nothing short of reading the riot act to Salva Kiir Mayaardit–the chairperson of the SPLM party and the President of the republic of South Sudan.

Many questions are crying out for answers. Are the disgruntled members of the SPLM-Politburo, many of whom were recently fired from the cabinet, going to gang up behind Dr. Machar and “relieve” the Chairperson of his duties “in the interest of the party and for the sake of the nation”? How will the President, who have of late gone on decreeing spree unperturbed, react to such naked political challenge to his perceived “constitutional authority”?

Will President Kiir back down peacefully (as Dr. Machar did after his dismissal from the government) and take respite from his addictive decreeing habit? Will he ratchet up the political pressure and take on his political opponents?

What leverage do Kiir’s political competitors have over him? What else can the President do other than his recent actions–their dismissal from the cabinet and the dissolution of the SPLM-PB?

However, what most South Sudanese people are wondering over is the final lineup of the factions that would compete, first for the position of the SPLM chairmanship, and secondly, for the office of the President of the country. Some crude form of the factionalization within the SPLM appears to be crystallizing, albeit ambiguously.

First is what seem to be a public knowledge already–Kiir’s detractors in the person of Dr. Machar, Pagan and Nyandeng. While they have been relentless in their opposition to President Kiir for sometime now, the question is whether or not they would eventually succeed to put aside their internal differences (there are many internal contradictions, one of which is whether Pagan and Nyandeng would accept to serve under Dr. Machar given his past) and coalesce into a formidable political force.

That would be a matter of political survival for the duo though, for they could still re-unite with President Kiir just as we saw this week when the President made an unexpected political coup against Pagan & Nyandeng’s camp by (snatching and) appointing Nhial Deng as Pagan’s replacement–Juba’s chief negotiator with Khartoum over the outstanding issues. Dr. Machar’s political rapprochement with President Kiir, though not entirely improbable, is highly complicated by the fact that VP Wani Igga won’t be ready to give him a free ride this time round.

If Machar-Pagan-Nyandeng axis survive its tumultuous infancy and graduated into a fully fledged political force, who will they take on other than President Kiir? Most likely, it would be Kiir-Wani-Lam’s alliance. Yes, Dr. Lam Akol shouldn’t be counted out. Not yet! If you are in Juba, then you must have heard Mach-kuol tales of Lam being groomed as the next National Minister for Environment–replacing the recently dismissed Abdallah Deng Nhial.

All indications point toward that eventuality. Dr. Lam, a long time traitor, was received like a rock star, with all state security and amenities at his disposal, when he recently landed in Juba, after years of self-imposed exile in Khartoum.

After all, politics is the art of possibilities. With Pagan gone, President Kiir would be tempted (if not already convinced) to take in Dr. Lam, killing two birds with one stone in the process.

Firstly, Dr. Lam, who has the absolute loyalty of the Shilluk’s voters (look at the MPs, how many SPLM MPs are from the Shilluk kingdom?) will surely prop up Kiir’s numbers during the Presidential election. Secondly, with Lam in the cabinet, it would be hard for the critics to accuse Kiir of marginalizing the Chollo people.

Of course, many people from the Kiir-Wani’s camp would be aghast at the thought of them sharing political bed and platform with a character like Lam. That is true, except that the Machar-Pagan-Nyandeng’s camp won’t dare to question the credentials of Kiir-Wani-Lam’s camp while they have their own elephant in the room. It is therefore safe, politically, for Kiir to bring Lam on board without the slightest worry of being branded a Khartoumer for associating with Khartoumers. “Those people in the glass house should not be the first to throw the first stone”, Kiir would be telling anyone within ear-reach to emphasize his point.

With all things considered, it is Kiir-Wani-Lam camp vs Machar-Pagan-Nyandeng group that would possibly define political trend in the country. Who will carry the day in the contest for the SPLM chairmanship and for the highest office in the land–the presidency? Will it be the former or the latter group? Will it be two camps as posited above or will more factions spring up?
Will these political camps usher in the politics of personality and tribalism or of ideological struggle? What is Kiir’s vision for the country? What is Dr. Machar’s, Pagan’s, Nyandeng’s etc.? And the voters: should we sympathize with them or are they simply getting the government and the leaders they deserves, to paraphrase the Hon. Mansour Khalid? The jure is still out there! The voter will decide, or so consoles the myth!!
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PaanLuel Wël (paanluel2011@gmail.com) is the Managing Editor of PaanLuel Wël: South Sudanese Bloggers.
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By: Bol Garang de Bol

 

Your Excellency, the President of the Republic of South Sudan, General Salva Kiir

Mayardit, as you may be aware, although our requests, advice, opinions seem to be ignored

by you and your Ministers, we, will not abandon our responsibilities as citizens of South

Sudan to let our voices be heard. I write to you or about you not to attack your policies

or interventions either in the present or in the past. However, on this occasion, I am writing

to you to let you know that many South Sudanese including myself still believe that there

was still South Sudan, our country, which we had once fought for, our freedom, democracy

But where is it now? The aim of this article is to ask you to use your powers and position to

tackle the issue of ethnic cleansing through parliament and in your cabinet.

 

There are two distinct issues in connection with political turmoil in South Sudan that has

claimed at least estimated 120,000 lives since 2005 and displaced more than 250,000 people.

The failure of government to address corruption and violence that has transmuted into

ethnic cleansing across the country is the biggest issues facing South Sudan. The second

issue has alarmed the entire international community because the world views it as the way

Rwanda genocide began.

 

Your Excellency, President Salva, over the last seven years, I have always dreamt that one

day, a single God or a group of gods will come and solve South Sudan’s problems. In the

process of waiting for these gods, I have realized and even learnt that the New Nation’s

biggest problem is the dangerous mind-set of our people, yours and mine inclusive, which

needs no superman to solve because I/we and you can do it.

 

Ending the political violence and ethnic cleansing must be accorded the top priority for two

reasons or more. First, a stolen verdict can be fixed in a year or two but it will take decades

or a generation to fix a country destroyed by ethnic violence. If, I may recall that the

collapse of South Sudan began in 2005 immediately after the death of Dr. John Garang de

Mabior. The country used to be part of old Sudan has not recovered socially, economically

and politically and it needs estimated number of years to be rebuilt. It is so easy to destroy

but formidable task to rebuild. Second, ignoring ethnic violence is the major threat to nation

security in our country and contributed to the failures of our country. The failure of

government to deliver badly needed services to the people proved that the Republic of South Sudan is not the country we fought for.

 

Mr. President, General Salva Kiir, during the 22 years of SPLA struggle, you, late Dr. John

Garang, William Nyuon Bany, Dr. Riek Machar, Dr. Lam Akol, Commander, Arok Thon

Arok, James Wani Igga, Kuol Manyang Juuk and many more always talked about an

important country deserves to be liberated. Shall we wait for that country? Or you mean, the

current South Sudan under your leadership is the country we fought for?

If this independent South Sudan is the country we fought for, the past years

since our country signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) are characterized by a

pile of disappointing experiences such as; failures, let downs, state/rebel sponsored murders,

torture, rape, forced-sodomy, social neglect and other awful experiences which many South

Sudanese have had to endure, have caused a great deal of anger, hate, revenge-motives and

the dangerous social divisions which exist in our societies. These negative experiences have

and continue to re-affirm old suspicions, doubts in the future, deepen mistrust, shatter hope

and have now started producing even greater despair and this is not the country we

fought for or proud to be citizens.

 

You and many politicians point at social capitalization as the only way to redeem this

country out of the dark abyss in which it is. And I agree that social factors, most especially

those which are negatively associated with health, cause disorganization and disruption,

perceived helplessness and lack of support, low educational attainment, and poverty. In the

same reasoning, I also posit that you cannot achieve these development goals when the

majority of the people in our communities are angry, revengeful, hateful, and are waiting to

carry-out their unfinished business.

 

In my opinion, I would argue that whilst there is a need for massive development projects

which we all think that will develop our country, there is a need for all sections of the

society to develop a new relationship which can take account of our importance to each

other and which will also inculcate a reciprocal nature of our connection that will help to

avoid a repeat of the painful past experiences which our people have endured.

Since June 12 1947, at the time of Juba Conference, South Sudan has not had the

opportunity to address their past, neither have they ever addressed the pains it caused them.

Our people have never healed because they have never been given the opportunity to heal.

All they get is the threats of revenge, genocide, and hate by different aggrieved parties.

How can a society with hidden dirty feelings forge a united future without any remorseful

spirit being coached between and amongst them?

 

President Jaafar Nimeiri used a wrong approach since he took over in a military coup in

1969 by only focusing on security and development and forgetting to help the nation to heal.

President Nimeiri never gave the Sudanese the opportunity to bury the hatchet and to start a

new emotional chapter since the signing of Addis Ababa Agreement in 1972. The same

mistake done by President Nimeiri is facing President Kiir Mayardit. By so doing, the

current development in South Sudan may turn into dust.

 

Mr. President Salva, the purpose of this letter is to inform you that South Sudan needs an

amnesty law which will help those who have perpetrated injustice to fellow South Sudanese

to apologies and be forgiven unconditionally. This will help South Sudan to draw the line

with their past, open a new chapter in their history and start re-building the nation all over

again. I am fully aware of the expired amnesty law but this law only catered for recent

events yet the grievances of our people pre-date this period.

 

President Mayardit, to me and other advocates of social justice, it is very challenging ,

to sort out and work through the barriers which exist between the perpetrators of injustice,

their victims, and the social political environment that inhibit progress. This has

increasingly made it difficult for us to turn the painful experiences of our people into

opportunities for growth and change. However, I do have hope that this can happen because

it occurred in South Africa and Kenya during Mau Mau War.

The positive experiences which this amnesty law shall bring will engender hope and trust,

to the people of South Sudan. It will also convey a comforting sense of being understood

and accepted to the changed-perpetrators of injustice. Mr. President, this desire is also true

for people of South Sudan who keep asking questions about their experiences and getting

no answers from the perpetrators of injustice. At the same time, the perpetrators of injustice

are very insecure and in one way of the other, their insecurity even drives them to carry out

more injustice out of fear that people are out there waiting to kill them.

 

I do have a strong belief that healing will be brought about by the kind of forgiveness

which will be protected by the amnesty law. By making such a huge political intervention,

we will be able to address other issues such as health and social inequalities. At the same

time, we have to be mindful that if we do not support healing through forgiveness, we shall

be fuelling the continuous cycle of political and military abuse of our people’s human rights.

It will be of paramount importance for our country and for all men and women of good will if

my request meets your consideration. As such, the outright denial of bail for certain

offences would constitute a fundamental breach of human rights which accord equal

protection of the law to all.

 

Lastly your Excellency, to add rioting to the list of the category of offences that should not

be granted bail, assuming that all persons who may choose to peacefully demonstrate and

voice opinion on matters affecting them are criminals. This will have the net effect of

deterring South Sudan from exercising their fundamental human right to freedom to

assemble and to demonstrate together with others peacefully.

 

The Executive arm of government, in simple term, your Ministers must respect and

uphold the rule of law and that all organs of the Government are independent and free from

interference. The Government has to ensure that all criminal cases are dully investigated,

prosecuted and that individual criminal responsibility is apportioned impartially without

undue regard to an accused person’s political inclination. This will go a long way in

eliminating impunity and will deter the wanton abuse of human rights by state and non-state

actors.

 

Bol Garang de Bol is a South Sudanese living in Canberra, Australia

He can be reached at nicetobeme05@yahoo.com

Mister President

Posted: June 26, 2012 by Tears Ayuen in Tearz Ayuen
Tags:

By Tearz Ayuen, Nairobi, Kenya.

In reality, you have not achieved anything “yet”. Or in a more friendly language, though you have not failed, you have not achieved anything since you assumed presidency in 2005.

Many writers, when addressing you in a letter, always start it off by pointing out a few good things about you and suddenly switch, explaining what they’re writing to you for. Those are the ones who always want to prove that they’re professionals or something.  Others even stray from their professional territories and say imaginary good things about you; things you really do not deserve compliments for. Such group is mainly composed of beggars, flatterers. My peers call them sycophants, generally.

Well, I am different. It’s not that I am mean nor do I hold any grudge against you but because I find nothing to praise you for for now. And I mean it; you have done nothing to show the world.

You must be saying this to yourself now: “What’s this boy talking about? Is he drunk or mentally deranged? Someone please take him to a mental hospital. What about the successful referendum? The joyful independence, the first class citizenship right I gave South Sudanese? The government system I put in place and the tranquility in the country and etcetera?”

Mister President, don’t dare think about any of the above CPA dividends which happen to be mistakenly enjoyed by the chosen few. You never achieved any of them as an individual; each and every citizen contributed this or that, including blood, limbs, eyes, sweat and tears. If there is anyone out there saying that you brought about the aforementioned benefits, he or she is lying to you with intent to make you a laughing stock of the African heads of states. In other words, he is giving you enough rope to hang your personality – just to make you build castles in the air and resultantly sit back and relax when you should actually be toiling harder to earn yourself a page or two in the history book of South Sudan which is currently writing itself.

You achieved nothing to be remembered about! Elaborately, South Sudan’s independence that came into existence through the 2011 referendum was handed to you on a golden plate. You never struggled for it. It was outlined in the CPA long time ago. And with South Sudanese yearning for religious, political, economic and social freedoms, they voted unity out. That means by hook and crook, the baby country was meant to be, irrespective of who the president was. Yes, even if Late George Athor or David Yau Yau, or a boda boda or Ajah Atong Ajok was the president, South Sudan would still have attained independence!!!

Under your leadership, the citizens are still suffering a number of insecurities of which you indirectly have a hand in. The masses are getting poorer daily. Hunger and diseases are robbing the country of its populations. The common man does not need chips, pizza or samosa. He needs asida and beans to keep his bones strong in order to continue to cater for his family. Nothing else. But your reign never allows that. Efforts to eradicate starvation are negated by your juniors who deliberately break the law, knowing that you do not, you will not, shall not and will never bother to do anything about it. In 2008, the US government gave you a grant of billions of dollars for feeding your hungry eight million civilians. I understand that you were to spend that money on grains that you would in turn sell to the citizens at a cheaper price. What happened? – Like vultures feeding on a carcass, your boys divided up the grants amongst themselves, placing your reputation at stake. It took you a very long time to ask what happened to the money. Now you’re crying; and with both hands in pockets, they are whistling, singing victory songs.

Wise men always speak the truth: reap what you sow, they say. You did employ those who weigh zero point zero zero zero something on the leadership scale and you are now reaping. You must have ignored the important good leadership qualities like integrity, excellence, magnanimity, humility and so on, and based your judgments on what one did during the war in the bush. You handed public offices to incompetent, tribal, ambitionless, emotionally insecure and annoyingly arrogant individuals who do not care about the meaning of a liberation movement.  Now, you know what it’s like to scatter grains on a rocky and thorny ground. The bush comrades you trusted so much have turned against you. They messed up your government; stashed public money in foreign banks, employed their nieces, nephews and concubines. Armed with political immaturity, some of them caused and/or fueled ethnic animosities and suspicions across the country.

Your softness is killing voters. Inability to instill the rule of law in your stewards is a cancerous disease that has eaten off your judicial arm. And that is if you ever had such an arm. First of all, who is South Sudan’s attorney general? Where is his/her office located? What experiences does he have? Has he ever addressed the public? When was the last time he appeared in the news?

Mister President, it takes your court less than a week to finalize a multi-million dollar graft case against your junior official, while a common thief, say chicken thief, serves a five-year pre-trial detention before a judge disinterestedly looks into his file. Are you aware of the implications that have on your tenure?

Your security organs have taken the law into their hands. They freely practice arbitrary arrests and unlawful detentions. That happens because your authority is weak. You never ensure that those who abuse power are punished severely. One good example is that of the former finance minister Arthur Akuein who allegedly stole millions. He got detained but his relatives militarily removed him from the police cell.  Why didn’t you do anything? You couldn’t re-arrest him? You couldn’t order the army to do it? And do you now see the outcome of the message your laxity conveyed to government officials?

A young vigorous and productive citizen with a feminine tribal name, who had just graduated from a Ugandan university, was killed in what many call a fishy tragic road accident in Juba not very long ago. How did the case go? – Nobody knows.

The national army of which you’re its head is so stubborn. The soldiers do not give a damn about the law. They intimidate, harass and attack civilians at will. The country just lost a very important patriot to them. He was an industrious Lost Boy who personally wanted to contribute to the elevation of South Sudan from its current state of illiteracy. He was sponsoring three university students and seven secondary school students until SPLA soldiers took away his life while he was on a visit in his village last week. By the way, fathers of the students in question died during the struggle for liberation. Isn’t that a loss to you?

Doctor Jok Madut Jok, a well-known South Sudanese scholar and a senior official in your government got manhandled by security boys at Wau airstrip shortly before you arrived in the area in December last year. They beat him like a snake. Can you imagine the pain and humiliations he suffered?

Mister President, you unarguably have no hand in those cases but your name appears because you rarely have wrongdoers punished.

I quoted the adverb yet in the first line above in a bid to give you hope that you still do have high chances of redeeming yourself. One chance could be the Abyei issue that seems to be dragging. Abyei belongs in South Sudan. The Ngok are a Dinka people. Why is it taking forever to bring the issue to an end? Look, giving government seats to Arop Kuol Deng, Deng Alor Kuol, Luka Biong Deng, Chol Deng Alaak and many other Abyei intellectuals is not the solution to Abyei issue, because they are not the Abyei. Abyei is the dying child in the Abyei area whose helpless mother cannot do anything about. Abyei is the hungry elderly person with protruding ribs, waiting to die. Their lives lie in your hands.

Your other chance could be the 4 billion dollar scandal. I don’t see any reason why you hesitate to teach them a lesson especially after they did this immeasurable damage to the country and its people. This is the payback time for those who tainted your reputation. It doesn’t matter who they are; cousins or in-laws or long time comrades, just roll up your sleeves, remove your cowboy hat and fight them till the end. Even if execution by a firing squad was the only better choice you got, please do it for the sake of the country.

I repeat: you have not achieved a thing since 2005. Unless you tackle the two cases, you will be remembered for one thing only; your cowboy hat.


Dear Lam

Without much ado, I am going straight to the point. I am phrasing my thoughts and feelings to you in this short write up to let you know that you just broke my heart. Why are you staying in Khartoum? Why did you opt to relocate to Khartoum? Did you independently decide or you got compelled by anyone? Did you really weigh the pros and cons? Are you telling me indirectly that you finally quit being a South Sudanese? Why quit? How about the heart, determination and commitment you abandoned your position as Khartoum University lecturer for in 1986? How about SPLM-DC? Don’t tell me you will operate from Khartoum because it’s politically unethical and unacceptable. How about the presidential aspirations you got? How about the people who voted for you in the April 2010 elections? How about the war against corruption you were so passionate about?

By the way, you don’t have to know what I am; you can just consider me a voice of reason.

I know everyone is entitled to live wherever he or she likes so long as he has what it takes to do so, but for an influential intellectual like you, it is such a wrong choice especially at these critical times South Sudan needs radicals, change bringers. In addition to that, leaving Juba for Sudan is in itself an insult to South Sudanese people who sacrificed all they had to free themselves from all kinds of evil acts meted out against them by successive Khartoum governments. You couldn’t move to somewhere else, Lam?

Though I cannot tell exactly the motive behind your “defection” from South Sudan, you probably grew hopeless after President Kiir miserly distributed all the government seats to his corrupt yes-men. He could not even give you the least important position at the ministries like that of a watchman? What’s wrong with Kiir? He is such a mean democratically elected head of state! I condemn the presidency for that anyway, advisors to be specific.

Uncle Lam, your move says a lot. It could mean that you’re a loser; the greatest of all times. Your vision and ambitions just died like that? Your political enemies will now capitalize on it. They will soon begin to prove themselves right by poisoning the heads of the masses that indeed the SPLM-DC party you founded is an armed movement against Kiir’s government. You just gave them a million reasons to break more jaws of SPLM-DC supporters and a trillion reasons to blame any internal armed conflict on you. The accusations labeled against you by pagan Amum which indicated that Khartoum armed a militia group you are affiliated with, shortly after Salva Kiir politically punched you in the face, leaving your nose bleeding in the 2010 elections, will now be considered true.

Your disappearance from the country’s political arena could reveal that you never meant your words, promises, pledges; you never really wanted to make a difference. All you wanted was a position to enrich yourself just like the rest.

Now that you have quit, who will fight the grand corruption in the government that is currently affecting the eight millions? Incidentally, a lot have happened after you left. Arthur Akuein, the former finance minister who seems to know much about the multi-billion dollar scandal came back with a loud bang. Amum took him to court for announcing that he, Akuein, wired $30 million dollars into Amum’s bank account. It was a very interesting case. The high court sped up the whole process and quickly acquitted Amum, prompting Akuein to say a parting shot: “I had written that the money was given to the secretary general of the SPLM, under his leadership. What makes it to be something that has gone to a private account? I have never mentioned it. My document is there. It will be interpreted further by people who understand English.”
Even media houses that reported the corruption allegations were also fined. What a court! What a system!

You must have heard that 75 officials stole billions. Kiir himself said that. 75 top officials?! That means the whole cabinet is rotten. Their names should honorifically begin with the new honorific, “Thief” for example; Thief Honorable Ngor-gutakalthi Deng-gutakaldit will on Friday fly to Dubai to attend a World Business Summit, Thief Honorable Butrus Ajak has launched a 5-year strategic plan……. and so on. See? If the baby country followed the modern international standards of good governance, none of them would run for or hold any government position in the next election, government. So, who would capitalize on that? Isn’t it you?

Lam-dit, you pissed me off when you shamelessly told Victor Lugala in an interview late last year that you did not attend the Independence Day on the 9th of July because no one invited you. Who the hell do you think you are? You wanted to be told to be happy about South Sudan’s biggest day ever? Well, even though Kiir’s government didn’t ask you over as an opposition party, you couldn’t show up at John Garang Memorial park just like any ordinary citizen? Lam please!

What are you afraid of? – Kiir? Why would he harm you? He knows the difference between right and wrong, not to mention the international community that watches every step he makes. Nevertheless, I wouldn’t lie to you that the constitution can protect you because the wrath of the law only applies to the weak and voiceless, and maybe a revolutionary like you. The top dogs have immunized themselves against some articles. They get anything they want at any time. I know those unruly ruthless and almost useless security cartoons assumed the role of a dentist and unnecessarily unofficially brutally removed two teeth of one of your top party’s officials, Onyoti Adigo. Is that the right way to tackle an opposition? But that shouldn’t scare ambitions out of you. In fact, you should emulate Honorable Adigo. He is so tolerant and focused. He has proved that nothing, no one can stop him. And that’s why he is carrying on with his duties as a citizen and as well as an opposition figure who considers fighting the system from within a better option.

Or have you finally realized that you joined politics by mistake, for the wrong reasons; and now is the right time to resume your career – lectureship? If yes, I am begging you to leave Khartoum and come back home and impart your knowledge and skills to South Sudanese students who are currently facing educational starvation in various universities as fake lecturers fool them. If you don’t want to be close to president Kiir and Amum in Juba, please teach somewhere in John Garang University of Science and Technology in Bor. Oops! Bor is so close to Juba. Just teach in Malakal or Wau.



By TABU BUTAGIRA  (email the author

Posted  Tuesday, March 6  2012 

Kampala

Kenya’s Prime Minister Raila Odinga yesterday rushed to meet President Museveni as it emerged that a multi-billion oil pipeline deal Nairobi signed last week with South Sudan had stirred diplomatic tension between the neighbours.

President Mwai Kibaki, his South Sudan counterpart Salva Kiir and Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi did the ground-breaking for the infrastructure project at Lamu, leaving Uganda in the cold.

The planned duct will be used to raceway South Sudan’s crude petroleum, whose extraction has stalled following a resource and revenue-sharing dispute with Khartoum, to be refined in Kenya.

It is understood President Museveni had secretly advised South Sudan officials to build their own refinery so as to create jobs and obtain other byproducts at home, and was surprised by Juba’s deal with Kenya.

Uganda, which has significant deposits of confirmed oil deposits, hoped to jointly construct a pipeline with South Sudan that the two countries planned to use for exporting processed fuel to the Kenyan port of Mombasa, according to government sources.

A senior Ugandan official, who attended yesterday’s meeting but asked not to be named since the discussions were confidential, said PM Odinga on behalf of President Kibaki offered assurances to Mr Museveni that it was not Kenya’s intention to back-stab Uganda.

Good move
President Museveni reportedly replied that he understood Kenya’s position and had no qualms with the venture since the newly-independent South Sudan is in “urgent need” of a functional oil pipeline within one-and-a-half years. He, however, indicated that it would be best to have the proposed pipeline pass through Uganda if time was on their side.

“Some mischievous characters were already saying that Kenya bypassed Uganda (on the oil pipeline deal), and Prime Minister Odinga explained that they did not go behind our back,” said the official.

In January, South Sudan shut down several oil wells in Unity State, alleging that Sudan, with which it has had a troubled relation since seceding in July last year, steals the oil funneled for processing in Port Sudan.

Presidential spokesman Tamale Mirundi said he was not aware of what Mr Odinga and his host discussed “since their meeting was not for the public”.

This newspaper, however, understands that the two principals reportedly agreed that the member countries of the regional bloc, Inter-government Authority on Development, as well as AU’s Peace and Security Council rein in on Omar al-Bashir’s government so that his troops stop bombing oil field in South Sudan as alleged.

Ethiopia and South Sudan signed eight memoranda of Understanding

Ethiopia and South Sudan yesterday signed eight memoranda of Understanding at New Sudan Palace in Juba. It was signed after five days of Joint Ministerial Committee meeting of the two countries co-chaired by the two foreign affairs ministers, Nhial Deng Nhial on the South Sudan side and Haile Mariam on the Ethiopian side.

Ethiopia and South Sudan signed eight memoranda of Understanding
YouTube
Ethiopia and South Sudan yesterday signed eight memoranda of Understanding at New Sudan Palace in Juba. It was signed after five days of Joint Ministerial Committee meeting of the two countries co-chaired by the two foreign affairs ministers, 

Sudan and South Sudan begin new talks over oil dispute
Alaska Dispatch
Here’s how the Sudan peace plan of 2005 was supposed to work: After 22 years of civil war, South Sudan would try to coexist with the Sudanese government in Khartoum, and if that didn’t work out, they could secede and form their own country…

Odinga meets Museveni as storm brews over Juba oil
Daily Monitor
By TABU BUTAGIRA (email the author) Kenya’s Prime Minister Raila Odinga yesterday rushed to meet President Museveni as it emerged that a multi-billion oil pipeline deal Nairobi signed last week with South Sudan had stirred diplomatic tension between 

Sudan: HRW advises Sudan against stripping citizenship arbitrarily
Afrique en Ligue
New York, US – Sudan should not strip Sudanese nationals of southern origin of their Sudanese citizenship if they are unable or unwilling to acquire South Sudanese citizenship, Human Rights Watch (HRW) has advised. In a statement issued in New York 


While perusing the Kenyan Standardmedia.co.ke, looking for any news item about the highly-awaited ICC verdict on the kenyan “Ocampo Six” which is due today, 1.30pm East African time, I came across this interesting observation about president Kiir’s heroism in relation to Mandela and Martin Luther King Jr. It is really interesting because I bet no one in South Sudan would have ever thought about it, let alone making a comparison.

Bitok said: “Their heroism would not be equated to that of Nelson Mandela, Martin Luther King or Salva Kiir…”

So our own president Kiir is in the league of wakina Nelson Mandela and MLK? Who would have thought of that in Juba? Maybe Jesus, son of Mary, was after all right that a prophet is never recognized in his own homeland!!

After all, it was under Mandela that South Africans achieved their liberation, under MLK that African American regained their civil rights liberties and human dignities, and under Salva Kiir that South Sudanese realized their freedom.

It is not a far-fetched argument, is it? let me know what your take is.

But wait a minute……

If you contend that South Sudan, under president Kiir, is going down the drainage, and hence, consider it an insult to compare banydit Kiir Mayaardit to the two acclaimed gentlemen…Tata Madiba and MLK…then I have this other piece of juicy news to brighten up your day.

It is from one (son of a bitch) Ted Malanda, and it is a great piece of reading:

This is about men who jerk up on Friday afternoon, scrawl through their phones and, out of the blues, call a guy they went with to high school.

“You are a very stupid fellow,” one begins.

“Excuse me, who are you?” a flustered fellow on the opposite end of the line asks.

“This is John Wepukhulu, the one and only senior ‘top layer’ consultant from the class of 86,” the caller says.

The other man breaks into loud laughter and, pausing for breath, gasps, “You beast! You are the most useless fellow on earth, the ugliest thing I have ever seen!”

Don’t you find it odd how men only bond through insults? If a woman called a long lost friend and said, “You are the ugliest thing I have ever seen,” those two would not be on talking terms for the rest of their pretty lives.

Bonding

But for men, insults are a fantastic way of expressing love. They are not wired to say sissy stuff like ‘I have missed you’. More curious is that such insults always lead them to the nearest bar for bonding, an exercise that men can only achieve by engaging in robust discussions about not plots but the fairer sex.

Meanwhile, the drinks fall by the dozen as the two pals go down memory lane, rethinking old school punishments, long forgotten girlfriends and mischief. One thing that is never in doubt after the sixth beer is that they, meaning the two drunks, were always far more brilliant than their Standard Two classmate who became the Chief Justice.

Old goat

Way after midnight, the two old friends part ways. On Monday morning, one of them calls the other.

“Speak, you ugly old goat!” the ‘handsome one’ begins.

“But I cannot speak, you ugly bull!” comes the answer.

“Even you? You cannot speak?” asks the bull.

“I tell you, I did not leave my house. The whole weekend, I lay in state on my sofa. That hangover… wacha tu! We drunk bwana. Wah! We drunk! Madam is not even talking to me,” goes the old goat.

Yet you know what is agreed upon by unanimous decision? They must “do this again!”

And they do this again and again on the occasional Friday, leaving them sprawled on the sofa like satiated crocodiles the entire weekend, lying in state.

Meanwhile, their wives keep walking up and down, wishing the laggards would stand up and go out like ‘other men’!

You can read the entire piece here.

PaanLuel Wel.

Previous GOSS leadership

Posted: July 29, 2011 by PaanLuel Wël in History
Tags: , , ,

The Presidency and Presidential Advisors

The Presidency

  • First Vice President of the Republic of Sudan, President of the Government of Southern Sudan, Chairman of SPLM & Commander in Chief of SPLA
    H.E. General Salva Kiir Mayardit
  • Vice President of the Government of Southern Sudan
    H.E. Dr. Riak Machar Teny

Presidential Advisors

  • Food Security and Development
    Michael Hassan Maily 
  • SPLA Affairs
    Let. Gen. Salva Mathouk Gangdit
  • Gender & Human Rights
    Madam Rebecca De-mabior
  • Diplomacy
    Mr. Alfred Ladu Gore
  • Legal Affairs
    Vacant
  • Federal and Decentralization
    Andrew Malek Dadut
  • Religious
    Fr. George Kinga
  • Humanitarian Affairs
    Maj.General Albino Akol Akol

The Cabinet

  1. Mr. Kosti Manibe Ngai – Minister of Cabinet Affairs
  2. Mr. Pagan Amum – Minister of Peace and CPA Implementation
  3. Nhial Deng Nhial – Minister of SPLA and Veteran Affairs
  4. Deng Alor Kuol – Minister of Regional Cooperation
  5. Dr. Cirino Hiteng Ofuho – Minister in the office of the President
  6. John Luk Jok – Minister of Legal Affairs and Constitutional Development
  7. Gier Chuang Aloung – Minister of Internal Affairs
  8. Michael Makuei Lueth – Minister of Parliamentary Affairs
  9. David Deng Athorbei – Minister of Finance and Economic Planning
  10. General Oyai Deng Ajak – Minister of Investment
  11. Mrs. Awut Deng Acuil – Minister of Labour and Public Service
  12. Dr. Barnaba Marial Benjamin – Minister of Information
  13. Dr. Luke Tombekana Monoja – Minister of Health
  14. Dr. Samson Lukare Kwaje – Minister of Agriculture and Forestry
  15. Mr. Anthony Lino Makana – Minister of Roads and Transport
  16. Dr. Michael Milli Hussein – Minister of Education
  17. Mr. Stephen Dhieu – Minister of Commerce and Industry
  18. Minister of Environment (NCP to nominate their person)
  19. Mrs. Jema Nunu Kumba – Minister of Housing and Physical Planning
  20. Mr. Madut Biar Yel – Minister of Communication and Postal Services
  21. Mr. Garang Diing Akuong – Minister of Energy and Mining
  22. Mrs. Agnes Kwaje Lasuba – Minister of Gender, Child and Social Welfare
  23. Dr. Anne Itto Leonardo – Minister of Cooperatives and Rural Development
  24. Mr. James Kok Ruea – Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Disasters Management
  25. Mr. Paul Mayom Akec – Minister of Irrigation and Water Resources
  26. Mr. Joseph Ukel – Minister of Higher Education, Research, Science and Technology
  27. Minister of Welfare and Tourism (NCP to nominate their person)
  28. Mrs. Nyalok Tiong Gatluak – Minister of Animal Resources and Fisheries
  29. Ms. Mary Jervas Yak – Minister of Human Resources Development
  30. Mr. Makuac Teny Yok – Minister of Youth, Sports and Recreation
  31. Mr. Gabriel Changson Chang – Minister of Culture and Heritage
  32. Dr. Priscilla Nyanyang – Minister without Portfolio

The SPLA Military

First Vice President of the Republic of Sudan
President of the Government of Southern Sudan
&
Commander in Chief, SPLA
H.E. General Salva Kiir Mayardit

Minister of SPLA Affairs
Lt.Gen. Nhail Deng Nhail

Deputy Commander in Chief
General Paulino Matp Nhail

Chief of General Staff
Lt. Gen. James Hoth Mai

Deputy Chief of Staff
For Operation
Lt. Gen. Obote Mamur

Deputy Chief of Staff
For Administration
Lt. Gen. Paing Deng Majok

Deputy Chief of Staff
For Logistics
Lt. Gen. Biar Atem Ajang

Deputy Chief of Staff
For Political/ Moral Orientation
Lt. Gen. George Athor Deng

Deputy Chief of Staff
For Training
Lt. Gen. Ayuen Aliar

Undersecretary
Lt. Gen. Bior Ajang Dut

 

Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly

  • The Speaker of the SSLA Assembly
    Hon. Lt.Gen. James Wani Igga
  • The Deputy of the SSLA Assembly
    Hon. Lawrence Lual Lual Akuei
  • Chairperson of the Security & Public Order Committee
    Hon. Daniel Deng Monydit
  • Chairperson of the Public Accounts Committee
    Hon. Dr. Jimmy Wongo
  • Chairperson of the Members Committee
    Hon. Joseph Bol Chan
  • Chairperson for Development, Economic & Finance Committee
    Hon. Prof. Barri A. Wanji
  • Chairperson for Information & Culture Committee
    Hon. Peter Bashir Gbandi
  • Chairperson for the Regional & International Cooperation Committee
    Vacant
  • Chairperson for Energy Industry & Mining Committee
    Hon. William Wuor Dador
  • Chairperson for Gender, Social Welfare, Youth & Sports
    Hon. Abuk Payiti Ayik
  • Chairperson for Peace and Reconciliation Committee
    Hon. Mary Nyaulang Ret
  • Chairperson for Services & Physical Infrastructure Committee
    Hon. Kom Kom Geng
  • Chairperson for Legislation and Legal Affairs Committee
    Hon. Deng Arop Kuol
  • Chairperson for Education, Research, Science & Technology
    Hon. Nartisio Loluke Manir
  • Chairperson for Public Service & Administration Committee
    Hon. Angelo Gwang Ding
  • Chairperson for Human Rights & Humanitarian Affairs Committee
    Hon. Margaret Peter Abudi
  • Chairperson for Land, Natural Resource & Environment Committee
    Hon. Gabriel Matur Malek

Independent Commissions

  • Anti-Corruption Commission
    Dr. Pauline Riak
  • Audit Chamber
    Vacant
  • Center for Census, Statistics and Evaluation
    Isaiah Chol Aruai
  • Civil Service Commission
    Deng Chuol Malang
  • Demining Authority
    Jarkuc Barrac
  • Demobilization, Disarmament and Reintegration
    Mr. Deng Deng
  • Employees Justic Chamber
    Elizabeth Manoah
  • Fiscal, Financial, Allocation and Monitoring
    Gabriel Mathiang Rok
  • HIV AIDS Commission
    Dr. Bellario Ahoy Ngong
  • Human Rights Commission
    Joyce Kwaje
  • Land Commission
    Robert Lado Loki
  • Peace Commission
  • Public Greivance Chamber
    Dr. Acheir Deng Akol
  • Reconstruction and Development Fund
    Dr. David Nailo Mayo
  • Relief & Rehabilitation
    Simon Kun Puoch
  • War Disabled, Widows & Orphans
    Deng Dau Deng

State Governments

    • Central Equatoria State

      Capital: Juba
      Governor: Maj. Gen. Clement Wani Konga

    • Eastern Equatoria State

Capital: Torit
Governor: Mr. Aloysius Emor Ojetuk

  • Western Equatoria State

Capital: Yambio
Governor: Jemma Nuuu Kumba

    • Northern Bahr El Ghazal State

Capital: Aweil
Governor: Lt.Gen Paul Malong Awan 

    • Western Bahr El Ghazal State

      Capital: Wau
      Governor: Lt. Gen. Mark Nypouch Ubang

    • Jonglei State

Capital: Bor
Governor: Lt.Gen Kuol Manyang Juuk

  • Lakes State

    Capital: Rumbek
    Governor: Lt. Gen Daniel Awet Akot

  • Upper Nile State

    Capital: Malakal
    Governor: Major Gen. Galouk Deng Garang

  • Unity State

    Capital: Bentiu
    Governor: Mr. Taban Deng Gai

  • Warrap State

    Capital: Kuajok
    Governor: Mr. Tor Deng Mawien




JUBA DECLARATION ON UNITY AND INTERGRATION BETWEEN THE SUDAN PEOPLE’S LIBERATION ARMY (SPLA) AND THE SOUTH SUDAN DEFENCE FORCES (SSDF)

January 8th 2006

PREAMBLE

The SPLA and SSDF having met in Juba between the 6th and 8th January, 2006 and fully aware of the provisions of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) regarding the status of the Other Armed Groups (OAG’s).

Committed to upholding and defending the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and its full implementation;

Motivated by their desire for peace, reconciliation and unity among the people of Southern Sudan;

Determined to end all forms of conflict and hostilities among themselves, so as to usher a new era of hope, stability and sustainable development in Southern Sudan;

Further determined to build trust and confidence among themselves and to avoid past mistakes that have led to divisions and internecine conflict between themselves and among the people of Southern Sudan in general;

Cognizant of the fact that the SPLM led Government has already included members of the SSDF in the institutions of Government of National Unity, the Government of Southern Sudan and the Governments of the States to ensure SSDF participation;

Acknowledging that the people of Southern Sudan have one indivisible destiny;

Inspired by the struggle and the immense sacrifices and suffering of our people in defence of their land, freedom, dignity, culture identity and common history; and

Remembering our fallen heroes, heroines and martyrs who paid the ultimate price for the freedom of our people and to ensure that these sacrifices are not in vain;

Do hereby make the following Declaration to be known as the Juba Declaration on Unity and Integration:

Complete and unconditional unity between the SPLA and SSDF.
Agree to immediately integrate their two forces to form one unified, non partisan Army under the name of SPLA as stipulated in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
Immediate and total cessation of all forms of hostilities and to ensure that all their forces and persons under their control observe and comply with this declaration.
Guarantee freedom of movement of people, goods and services in all areas in Southern Sudan.
Declaration of general amnesty covering any criminal acts committed during the past period of hostilities between the two forces.
Appeal to any armed persons or groups outside the two forces to join the process of unity and reconciliation in order to promote peace, stability and development throughout Southern Sudan.
The unified Movement shall mobilize the people of Southern Sudan behind this agreement and to support its implementation.

IMPLEMENTATION

In implementation of this declaration the two parties agree to form the following committees:

1. High Political Committee

There shall be a High Political Committee to oversee the overall implementation of this unity agreement. It shall be established by the Chairman of the SPLM and C- in – C of SPLA in consultation with Major- General Paulino Matip Nhial, Chief of Staff of the SSDF.

2. Military Technical Committee

There shall be established a Military Technical Committee consisting of equal numbers to implement the terms of this declaration. It shall be established by the Chairman of the SPLM and C- in – C of SPLA in consultation with Major General Paulino Matip Nhial, Chief of Staff of the SSDF. The Joint Military Technical Committee shall report to the High Political Committee and handle inter alia the following issues:

¨ Integration of SSDF into the SPLA and its command structures and all its component units including the Joint Integration Units.
¨ Harmonisation of ranks and deployment of forces and to report to the principals.
¨ Handle issues of demobilisation and downsizing of forces in accordance with the provisions of the CPA.
¨ Report to the High Political Committee on all matters relating to this Unity Declaration.

3. Administrative and Civil Service Committee

This committee shall deal with the integration of non military personnel of SSDF into the Civil Service of the Government of Southern Sudan and the Governments of the States.

v Call on the National Congress Party and the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF)

The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) calls upon its partner the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) to support this agreement which has been guided by the provision of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement regarding the status of the Other Armed Groups (OAG’s). The decision by the SSDF to be integrated into the SPLA is a legitimate decision which will consolidate peace and security in Southern Sudan and the Sudan at large. The two parties signatory to the agreement call on all other Sudanese political forces to support this declaration.

v Appeal to the International Community

The two parties also appeal to the international community to support this agreement as it will consolidate peace in the Sudan and bring about lasting peace among the people of Southern Sudan.

Signed by:

H.E Lt. General Salva Kiir Mayardit
1st Vice President of the Republic of Sudan,
President of the Government of South Sudan and Chairman of the SPLM
Commander- in-Chief of SPLA.

and

Major General Paulino Matip Nhial
Chief of Staff of Southern Sudan
Defence Force (SSDF)

Witnessed by

Mr. Aaron R. Tuikong S.S.
Chief Executive,
Moi Africa Institute (MAIN)


CONFIDENTIAL REPORT

On the Joint meeting of the SPLM/A leadership Council, General Military Command Council, Heads of Commissions, SPLM Secretariats, SPLM County Secretaries, Civil Society & Community Leaders.

RUMBEK 29TH OF NOVEMBER TO 1ST OF DECEMBER 2004

DAY 1 Opening Prayer: Rev. Clement Janda
Introduction: Cdr. Dr. Riek Machar
Briefing: Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit

Introduction

Cdr. Dr. Riek Machar Thanked Cdr. Mark Nyipuoch, Cdr. Dr. John Garang and the other participants and announced the beginning of the meeting, which had been ordered by the Chairman. The first part of the meeting comprised of the leadership council, the Secretariats, and the members of the General Staff. The second part was composed of the members of IGAD team, and the Commissioners and Secretaries of the SPLM.

In the opening of the meeting the Chairman Cdr. Dr. John Garang, thanked members of the SPLM/A national leadership Council and welcomed all the participants who traveled to Rumbek. ‘I thank you in the name of the Almighty God. To begin with I wrote two messages:

One on 14/11/004 (No. 001/11/004) to address the following accusations/rumours;
• That there was a meeting held in Nairobi under the Chairmanship of myself where Cdr. Salva Kiir would be replaced by the Chairman with Cdr. Nhial Deng.
• That I went to Kampala and met with Cdr. Pieng and ordered him to arrest Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit.
• That Cdr. Malual Majok went to Ramciel to collect forces to go and arrest Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit at Yei.

They are all lies and a big propaganda initiative.

The second message was on 23/11/04 calling for this meeting which we are now convening today and where I want to make a general briefing about the signing of peace next month in which each and every one should be informed accordingly.

Cdr. Machar then welcomed Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit to brief the national leadership meeting where he welcomed the Chairman and C-in-C and the national leadership. ‘I confirm the two messages read to you by the Chairman are all true. The rumours came from Nairobi and around the leadership of the SPLM/A. The second message I got was through Cdr. Pagan Amum who was visiting the liberated areas with friends from friendly countries. I requested Cdr. Mabior Kuer to ask the HQs why I am not talking directly to the Chairman. I spoke to the Chairman when he was in Kampala and he told me that I should meet him in Yirol, which I didn’t reply to in the light of the rumours.

The rumours implied that I will be arrested at Ramciel where the Chairman was, so I decided not to go. When I received that rumour, I called the security personnel in Yei and discussed the issue in length with them. I also informed them to find out where the sources of the rumours from Nairobi were coming from, which they did.

After I spoke with the Chairman, I also met Cdr. Pieng in Yei for the whole day and he was advising me to join the Chairman in Yirol, which I refused. After that I met Cdr. Kuol Manyang and Cdr. Deng Alor. They came from Nairobi with information that I should go to Nairobi for reconciliation between the two of us. I considered the word reconciliation as something very serious, and therefore decided to tell them that I will not go to Nairobi. The HQs of the Chairman complained that they were calling me and that if I recognized their number, I would switch off the telephone. That is not true; I never received any call from them and switch off my telephone.

I assure you that the allegation that I am against peace is not true. I am really for peace so that the International Community could rescue our suffering people. People of Bahr El Ghazal have suffered too much from repeated famine and from the Arab militias – and for these reasons I am the first to embrace peace to relief them from suffering. Peace efforts such as the Wunlit Peace Conference have up to date ceased hostilities between Western Upper Nile and Bahr El Ghazal; and that is good. So I need peace. There are those who want to create confusion in the Movement and fabricate such things. I don’t have personal problem with the Chairman.

If we are National Leaders, which I don’t believe we are because we have no cohesion within our leadership structure, let us be sincere with ourselves. After meetings are concluded, we run to foreign countries. There is no code of conduct to guide the Movement’s structures. When the Chairman leaves for abroad, no directives are left and no one is left to act on his behalf. I don’t know with whom the Movement is left with; or does he carry it in his own brief case?

The Chairman killed the national Executive Council (NEC) by creating the leadership Council. But there is no provision in the Convention for a ‘Leadership Council’. Does he want to revive the Political Military High Command? The Leadership Council creates a situation where all are directly reporting to the Chairman – including SPLM County Secretaries. When I mentioned these facts, they should not be construed to be my personal or family problems. Those around the Chairman don’t tell him the opinion of the public. The Chairman is everything, from a finance officer to one at the lowest level.

Corruption, as a result of the lack of structures, has created a lack of accountability which has reached a proportion that will be difficult to eradicate.

In fact, there are many outstanding administrative problems that require our attention. These include the infrequent converting of conferences at the leadership level, causing an absence in the SPLA/M chain of command and making others to directly communicate with the Chairman without following the right procedures. This should be corrected. If the responsibility of Governors goes directly to the Chairman, what will be the work of Cdr. Daniel Awet? I hope Cdr. Daniel Awet will address all those things. The Chairman should not make appointments of SPLM County Secretaries; it is the work of the Governors.

The other issue I would like Comrade Chairman to address is how the CANS structures are now operating, e.g., take the absence of the SPLM Regional Secretary for Bahr El Gazal from his area of responsibility while there has been sporadic tribal feuds within the region – and which has resulted into sectional conflict. The Chairman most of the time send Cdr. Deng Alor on foreign missions which were supposed to be the work of Cdr. Nhial Deng.

There are several other administrative issues that require correction. We are three Deputies without functions. The Chairman is responsible for all systems including the Army General Headquarters. Our HQs. started in Yei, then Rumbek, then new Cush and now Ramciel. When are we going to establish our HQs? The deputies of the General Staff are the ones commanding the forces; they should stay in the General Headquarters instead of commanding. Yet the Chairman is the one who dismantled the General Headquarters. Comrade Chairman, the establishment of the General headquarters hasn’t been fulfilled and this I have been requesting ever since Yei was liberated. Branch officers such as the Director of Military Intelligence and his deputy are now in your Headquarters, though they are supposed to remain at the General Headquarters. The Chairman concentrates on his headquarters forgetting the rest of the army. It is only his headquarters, which has military uniforms, boots and other supplies.

Our present situation requires us to be organized and prepared. If peace is signed, the question is; what have we done in training our military cadres so that they meet the standard of their counterparts in the integrated army. There are rumours that the Chairman had already selected by name those Commanders who would command the Joint Integrated Army. What about the rest of the army and who will pay them? The Chairman seems to have taken the Movement as his own property. As we leave Rumbek after this meeting, I would like to see that all our administrative issues be addressed and implemented following this meeting’s resolutions.

I would also want Comrade Chairman to give me full powers of the Chief of the General Staff (COGS) to enable me expedite the regrouping and reorganization of the SPLA, and if Comrade Chairman sees that I am not able to do that job, then he can appoint another person to do it.

The Chairman is to be 1st Vice-President of the Sudan and the head of the Government of Southern Sudan, but he is not talking to Southerners. The North is organizing southern militias so that we fight among ourselves. We must unite our own ranks and not just unity with the north. On a personal basis, I don’t have any problems with the Chairman but our working relationship is bad and leaves a lot to be desired.

I would also like to say something about rampant corruption in the Movement. At the moment some members of the Movement have formed private companies, bought houses and have huge bank accounts in foreign countries. I wonder what kind of system are we going to establish in South Sudan considering ourselves indulged in this respect.

2nd Session

 Response from the Chairman. I give the floor to the national leadership to comment on what had been said by Cdr. Salva Kiir, I don’t want this to be a debate between Cdr. Salva Kiir and I.

Edward Lino thanked the Chairman and said we are really in need of resolving the problems within the SPLM/A. The people of Abyei are accused of being Dr. John’s supporters and as such, are victimized for that. Cdr. Pieng made an intervention that Cdr. Edward was not addressing the issues.

Cdr. Elijah Malok stated he really supported what Cdr. Salva Kiir said, and recommended that a collective leadership be created. Here in Bahr El Ghazal Cdr. Deng Alor has been away for too long and these are known facts; the leadership council should address and resolve these outstanding issues and go back on the right track. Let us form committees to reorganize the army, since all the units are here. I don’t believe what Cdr. Mayardit said about the people being victimized. Structures are to be recognized right way as a government so let us reorganize them and work in the right way as a government.

Dr. Justin Yac. I will go with the suggestion of Cdr. Pieng that the Chairman response to the issues raised by Cdr. Salva Kiir.

Cdr./Dr. John Garang I will give my contribution to what has been raised; that firstly we need to dispose of rumours. In the whole of South Sudan, there is a general concern from the citizens, and in Yei, the officers and citizens believe there is a danger facing the Movement. We have to clear the danger and give our people assurances.

Cdr. Salva Kiir and I have been together in the movement for 22 years, and have been close friends, and we will continue that way. 22 years of friendship can’t be thrown away by rumours; Cdr. Salva will be with me now until the end of the interim period and beyond, and I will cite what was said when I visited Malual Kon and the “Luak” of the family of Cdr. Salva where I entered the house to show comradeship and a long cherished friendship. At a meeting while visiting there we were told, “You are the two orphans” left because the original members of the High Command died, both of us will carry on to bring peace.

I cited what happened at New Site recently when the Chiefs a ceremony where a bull was sacrificed to show how we are united. At the spiritual performance, one traditional leader said that 4 things will happen:-
1. The bull will urinate.
2. The bull will fall down.
3. The bull will face the North.
4. The bull will die without being slaughtered.

And all the four happened.

The allegation that I was going to dismiss Cdr. Salva and arrest him was not only a lie, but it did not even occur in my mind. I was preoccupied with the peace process and not trying to create a crisis. Before UN Security Council Meeting, I received a telephone call from President Bush who said that he now had those who will work with him during the next four years and that I am one of them. President Bush said, “John don’t let us down. We want peace before the end of the year”.

The allegation that I will be replacing Cdr. Salva was a bad lie. If Cdr. Salva was dismissed and replaced with Cdr. Nhial Deng Nhial, it would mean that I would have dismissed all those senior to Cdr. Nhial which includes Cdr. Riek, Cdr. James, Cdr. Daniel Awet, Cdr. Lual Diing, etc. – which would be bad for the Movement. So this allegation is a lie. The crisis only has the support of our enemies who want a crisis in the Movement. This situation was created by our enemies because they do not want to sign the peace agreement.

The Chairman pointed out that the GOS has never been happy with the protocols, specially the Machakos protocol, because of the self-determination clause. The GOS and their supporters don’t accept the security arrangement and the Wealth Sharing Agreement, which gives the South of Sudan 51%. The Khartoum Government wants to reject the agreement being signed or at least delay it. By delaying in signing, Khartoum will gain $2.5 billion from the oil revenues, which we must prevent by all means possible. Khartoum was unhappy with the Power Sharing and 3 areas protocols. Neither I nor Cdr. Salva had any interest in delaying the peace agreement. I have nothing to gain by dismissing Cdr. Salva.

Finally I have never had any thought of dismissing Cdr. Salva. And it should be considered a lie. This rumour has caused commotion everywhere in Southern Sudan, Khartoum and the Diaspora – so I will assure our people everywhere and send a strong message to Khartoum Government that they will not divide the SPLM/A.

Cdr. Salva and I are innocent of the situation, and four of our leaders will appear in a press conference telling the whole world about our unity and that there is no problem among SPLM/A members. Secondly, I want to assure you of my confidence in Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit. My relationship with Cdr. Salva goes back to 1983 – Cdr. Chagai Atem, Kerubino and many others were close to me. I still have personal relationship with Cdr. Salva and I trust and have confidence in him. This is needed now than ever before. I want Cdr. Salva to be around me during the interim period, and beyond.

The Government of Sudan called upon all the Newspapers to stop making allegations against the Movement. So let us put that issue to rest.

Secondly, Cdr. Salva said that I brought all the officers around me, leaving him alone in vacuum. What I can say is that is not true.

On internal reforms, I agree that reforms are necessary. We are all behind them. We have been making reforms since 1983, e.g., the Zonal Command, Political High Command, NLC, NEC, etc.. these structures can be changed but the objective remains the same. Our imperfect structures have brought us to the present day. Let us not throw away these structures now, otherwise we will throw ourselves away.

The Chairman urged the meeting to introduce changes slowly. He said he is for change but slow change. The Chairman reiterated that all SPLM/A members will be protected; he assured all members that no one will be left out. On the issue of new comers who are said to be taking over the Movement, he said we should accept all southerners new or old because there are more southerners than members of the SPLM/A who must be accommodated; but no newcomer will displace anyone who has been with us for years.

On the appointment of Governors; all Governors will be appointed from their respective areas, e.g. in Lakes the Governor here will come from Lakes. As for States, people of each State will form their governments with no marginalization within States.

As for the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS), there will be representation based on the states, fairness and justice. Similarly at the Central Government, there will be State representation. All Governments, whether GOSS or State Governments will be based on modern standardized structures.

The army will be organized based on modern standards. The SPLM will be reorganized democratically. There will be a mult-party system. There will be no need for coup d’etat anymore, so for example my friend Dr. Riek Machar will not need to make a coup because he can form his own party if he is discontented with SPLM.

The issue now is how to achieve a Comprehensive Peace Agreement. After that, the 2nd national Convention will be convened as soon as possible after the peace agreement is signed. The NIF Government is not happy having to sign the agreement on or before 31st December 2004. The Government is not happy with the UN Security Council Resolution1574. The NIF want to create an armed group loyal to them. They also want to create a political group from among southerners to be used by them. We must stop such a move that will create enemies among Southerners to fight among themselves.

South-to-South dialogue must be organized properly, but the leadership has refused outside mediation. I told the European groups about our stand on this. The Power Sharing protocol states that the SPLM will form the Government in the South. The protocol give 15% to non-SPLM/A members and 15% to members of other parties. There will be discussions therefore with Southern parties.

On Civil Society, we need to dialogue with them including the Churches. On top of that, lawyers and other concerned members will write a constitution for Southern Sudan. There will be a constitution for states and the rule of law will be established.

Finally, regarding our vision and strategies; we must continue with our programmes because we are succeeding in the process. I reject the view that there are some of us who are unionists and others separatists within the SPLM/A. There are no such differences among our people. We are all for the unity of Southern people, and the Movement will carry out the referendum. As for members of the Khartoum National Government who have mutinied, there is a group calling themselves SPLM/A members. I told them that we want peace and we don’t want you to be SPLM/A now. I told the group to organize their own independent Movement, and not be associated with SPLM/A.

On the structures the only way to resolve it is through the national Convention, which should be convened as soon as possible.

3rd Session

Cdr. Deng Monydit. Greeted everyone and praised the leaders for coming together. He stated his appreciation of the response given by the leadership; ‘I want to say I am happy to discuss what was about to be stolen from us, and it is not the concern of those in London. This struggle is not the private property of anybody. Whoever says the Movement is his property is wrong, for the movement is for all.

Cdr. Garang Mobil. I thank the leaders. Since 1997 I decided to stay in my house because I did not believe that our problems should be solved by violence. Facts must be stated now in order to solve them once and for all. On the ‘orphans’ there six (6) members who died and only two (2) are left. The question I want to discuss today, is that there is a problem but the Chairman keeps saying there are no problems, only a ‘gap’ between him and Cdr. Salva. He will not accept there are problems in the New Sudan. But if the problem is not solved, there will be no peace. I also want to say that the movement is in the hands of a few and many are alienated. National resources must be shared by all, no matter how small it is. The structures are controlled by a few minority groups, and this must be sorted out now in Rumbek. This minority group is the problem; hand picking people must stop now because it is creating problems.

Cdr. Agassio Akol. There is a problem because many people avoid Cdr. Salva as Deputy Chairman and Chief of the General Staff. The Governors and their deputies bypass Salva and correspond directly with the Chairman of the Movement, which I consider to be outside proper procedure. Cdr. Salva said that in his talks, he raised specific issues which he needed answers on. The Chairman must have failed to answer these issues, otherwise, the talks would have ended. Cdr. Salva said he did not blame anyone but the Chairman. He wanted the Chairman to tell him whether he was wrong or not. For example Cdr. Salva questioned the legitimacy of the leadership Council, as he considered it to be illegal.

The National Convention is unlikely to come soon to solve the problems of our structures; the convention has no importance for now. For Cdr. Salva, structures cannot be done by a Convention. So who is going to organize the army? {Cdr. Mark Nyipuoc intervened by saying a press conference should be made.}

Cdr. Taban Deng Gai. I want to express my appreciation and happiness for this meeting. It is good to discuss issues of this nature, which appear to divide our movement. I want to congratulate the leaders for agreeing to come to attend the meeting. I want to congratulate Dr. Riek, Ayendit and others for the mediation. If we had such mediation in 1991, there would have been no problems that year, and the coup d’etat would not have taken place. This meeting is on internal issues. Those in Khartoum are happy to see the SPLM/A destroyed by Southern interests. But we are now victorious for we have stopped that disaster. As for our system, there are institutions but not functioning ones. The Leadership Council will not take us anywhere. The era of the Political Military High Command is gone. We must have a modern system of government created by the following committees:
1. Committee for the Army;
2. Committee for the Government;
3. Committee for the Judiciary; and
4. The Parliament.

Justice Ambrose Riny. I greet the Leadership and SPLA officers. In 1994 the Convention created institutions. When I talked about the independence of the Judiciary, many officers reacted against it. It was the intervention of the Chairman who permitted the Committee to complete its work. There have been difficulties and roadblocks by those who did not want a system. There have been difficulties in implementing the resolutions. In 2004, the leadership Council was set up to replace the NLC and NEC. The Leadership Council has no legal base to exist. The Chairman dissolved legally instituted organs of the movement as contained in the national convention of 1994, but unilaterally established illegal institutions which are not supported by any legal provisions of the convention thereof.

I want to say that a lot has been done by a few. Most of the things done are imperfect, but they have served us. I appreciate what has been done on South-South dialogue under the SPLM/A Secretary General. The Chairman was supposed to establish a constitutional committee to draft our constitution. We must come together in a place where all departments are residing; there should be one center for the government of SPLM/A to stop all these rumours.

I would like to point out that many members of the movement have lost their ability to sit in an office. I want to point out an incident where a commander told me that what Dr. John or Cdr. Kuol Manyang say ‘up there’ does not work in the South. What kind of a system is this, if it is not respected by its officers? There is no system respected in this movement. I suggest that a committee be formed to organize the army and a conference to inform the world and our supporters that there is no problem from within.

Mama Kezia. I thank both leaders for coming together to discuss all the issues. I was happy with the 1st Vice-Chairman for saying everything in his heart. The rumours outside are bad. Both leaders say it was only a misunderstanding. I appreciate what is happening and I call upon Rev. Clement Janda to bless our conclusion. I agree with the 1st Vice-Chairman that there is something wrong with our system. After the death of the Chairman of my commission, no one has been appointed, and therefore there is no one to report to. For me it took three (3) years to see the leader of the movement. There isn’t a good system. But I think that from now on there will be a system in place.

Cdr. Pieng. Greetings. I will be saying something different; that I have not been happy with our meetings that end without resolutions. I am a revolutionary soldier. I have both military and political interest and if anybody things I don’t have both, he is lying. I am not happy with the response of the Chairman; there are problems to be addressed, and these problems must be solved now.

The Chairman has not committed mistakes; for me, they are unintended mistakes, for the Chairman could not create problems for himself. I mentioned that during the time of Kerubino there were problems. There were rumours that the Chairman was going to throw away his SPLM/A cadres and replace them with people who have not been in the movement since its inception. There must be committees to reorganize the movement; I agree with Cdr. Elijah Malok’s call for a system and committees. When the Chairman goes away on a visit, he never leaves anyone to act where officers should report to.

Cdr. David. Greetings. I blame the Chief of the General Staff for having failed to do anything until now. But nothing is too late; I suggest that the army be organized now. First create a General Command for the SPLA, for there is no army without a General Staff.

Cdr. Oyai Deng. I want to add my voice of being happy to participate in this meeting. When the movement started, you were seven (7) and now you are only two (2) remaining. Some said that you conspired against those who died and now you are conspiring against yourselves. I am shocked to hear Cdr. Salva talk here only about Bahr El Ghazal and not the South in general give he is a leader for all. I strongly agree with Cdr. Salva that when the Chairman goes away, he locks the South in his bag. This is wrong. Cdr. Salva has the right to question anything wrong. There is a problem that must be solved by taking the right decisions.

Cdr. Gier Chuang. I understand what is happening; I didn’t believe that Dr. John will sit near Cdr. Salva again today. I am happy to see this conference. Many people have died due to internal differences and I refer to what had happened in the 1991 crisis. There must be resolutions for all issues, which bring about conflicts; there must be committees established, specially for the SPLA. I also pointed out that during the December 2003 meeting in New Site, there were no representatives from the army. What is a government without an army.

Cdr. James Oath. I greet the gathering. When the movement started you were seven (7) and now you are only two (2) – five died having problems with you (Dr. John). Why do you have problems with your colleagues? The leadership has disabled the movement, so why keep it? Why is there a GMC, because it has never met until now? There is no SPLA ready to fight, and for me there is no army to order. If I am ordered to arrest Cdr. Salva, I do not have an army to arrest anyone. Even the Chief of Staff cannot order me to do anything because there is no army. There is no chance to meet the C-in-C – it will take long time to meet him. This is not good, therefore a committee must be formed now to sort everything out.

Cdr. Oboto Mamur. Greetings. The Chairman always had problems with his colleagues. Now you are two (2) and you are turning against yourselves. Chairman you have been lying throughout since 1983. A Chairman should trust his deputies because there is a big problem here. I ask the Chairman whether he has mandated us to judge him? And if so, we will pass our judgment on him now. We don’t want to talk for the sake of talking. There must be a committee to follow up on all the resolutions agreed on here. And I add, the convention will not solve our problems.

Cdr. George J. Deng. This meeting is a good opportunity to talk today in front of other commanders. The reply by Cdr. John to Cdr. Salva is not convincing at all. My suggestion is that a committee must be formed to organize things right away. There is no longer any army. Therefore a committee has to be formed for the agreement to succeed. I view the SPLA as my home; if the leaders want to go then it is up to them.

Cdr. Malong Awan. Everyone is waiting for the outcome of this dispute. Both leaders therefore should solve their differences. If they don’t solve their differences then they should remain inside this room until the crisis is over. Nor should we blame our enemies for the rumours came from ourselves – we should not blame outsiders. For example Ayen Maguat went to talk to Cdr. Salva. Many from Yei volunteered to go to talk to Cdr. Salva. She complained that Cdr. Wani Igga was in Yei but failed to talk to Cdr. Salva. Instead he went to his village. This was not good leadership and I disagree with Cdr. Wani Igga’s position.

Session 4.

Cdr. Santo Ayang. I thank the communities of Bahr El Ghazal, Bor and the committees that went to Yei. Without them things would have got out of hand. The Chairman must tell us the truth about the source of these rumours. All that was circulated was not rumour, and no one was bribed by the enemy. You tell the world that you brought peace to Sudan, but the reality is that peace was brought about by those who fought for it and died. Those around you only please you and do not tell you the truth. I support the formation of committees suggested by Taban Deng Gai.

Cdr. Ayuen Jongror. The conflict is within the leadership. When conflict arises, it must be resolved immediately. The two of you must be in one place and not in Nairobi and Yei. The style of your leadership is causing lots of problems. The GMC Secretariat was supposed to be formed, but since then, nothing has happened. The GMC should meet to discuss the issues of the army and structures of the Movement must be formed before the convention.

Cdr. Elias Wai. There is fire so we need it not to burn further. Cdr. Salva is not convinced. All are not convinced with the reaction of the Chairman towards issues raised by Cdr. Salva Kiir. The Chairman is placing his relatives in key positions including Elijah Malok, too old, for example, to hold the position of Governor of the Central Bank. Note, there might be popular uprising one day and the army will join the public.

Cdr. Jadalla. We are here to solve our problems. Committees should be formed to investigate the rumours. You think you are the founder of this movement, and as such, that you can do what you want without consulting people? The public is not ready for more problems.

Cdr. Patrick Aitang. We are talking about rumours, but what do we do next? The letter alleged to have been written by Equatorians caused serious tensions. Thanks to Cdr. Salva for salvaging the situation. The ball is now in the court of the Chairman and he should come out with the facts leading up to this dispute. The Chairman should be bold and form the necessary structures.

Cdr. Kitchener. The Chairman and Salva should work together until the end of the liberation struggle. We need leadership to lead us.

Cdr. Ayual Makol. To achieve our objective, we must be united. If the two leaders of the Movement only agree to disagree, then it will lead to internal warfare. Form a committee to investigate the rumours

Cdr. Dominic Dim. I agree that the Leadership Council should be abolished and the commissions replaced by the NEC. The Chairman has locked the NEC in his boxes. Dr. John’s response to Cdr. Salva was neither good nor sufficient. For me, there is still a problem as people still remain suspicious of the Chairman’s intentions. I reiterate that if the problem in question is not resolved, there will be a bigger problem in the Movement. I suggest that the Chairman be clear on resolving this conflict. We should remember how General Swar El Dahab was forced to take over during the crisis at that time. Cdr. Salva was asked by many people to take over, but he refused to do so. I support the formation of committees to restructure the movement and provide us with collective leadership.

Cdr. Bior Ajang. I thank the previous speakers. Cdr. Salva has the right to blame the Leadership Council. The rumours are no longer rumours, but facts as said by Cdr. Salva. There is a problem and that problem should be solved now. I support the formation of committees. What transpired in Yei was the product of two rumours; 1) the arrest of Salva Kiir, and 2) the dismissal of Cdr. Salva Kiir.

Cdr. Salva Kiir gave us the chance and invited us to meet. I thank the bodyguards of Salva for handling the situation very wisely. Dr. John has no powers to dismiss Cdr. Salva because the national Convention elected both of them. I emphasize that rumours do not only originate from Nairobi. Yei is also a source. I support formation of committees.

Cdr. Ismail. We should combat the rumours. It is very unusual for a Deputy Chairman not to have easy access to the Chairman. However, forming committees is another way of avoiding the problem. The explanation of the Chairman hasn’t convinced most of the people nor answered what was raised by Cdr. Salva.

 Cdr. Dau Akec Deng. I thank the 1st Vice-Chairman for his stand.

Lt. Col. Mathiang Rok. This meeting has saved the lives of many people in the South. I would like to quote from Francis Mading’s book; “things that are not said divide people”. The Leadership Council has taken the powers of the NLC. People still doubt the Chairman’s comments were satisfactory. There are many ‘huddles’ in the system, e.g. the Leadership Council has taken up the role of the National Convention. Our main concern is how the structures will be made functional. We are here to bring peace and harmony among ourselves. If there is anything, which is not clear, it should be said now!

Cdr. Chagai Atem. These rumours started in 1994 and I was the chief negotiator between the two. Now they are caught red handed again.

Father George Kinga. I greet and thank the leaders. The four leaders are great and must be respected. The issues are institutional ones. I also support the formation of committees.

Mr. Pascal Babindi. I am happy to have the chance of addressing this important and historic meeting. The restructuring we decided on at the Gorok NLC meeting pushed us ahead. I am confident that the reforms that shall soon be made will also push us ahead.

Cdr. Achol Marial. A committee should be formed to investigate into where those rumours originated from. I appeal to the leadership to mobilize resources prior to the formation of ministries.

Dr. Komanyangi. The formation of committees shall lead to a final solution to all our problems. I suggest that we give ourselves time for these deliberations to continue for one more day so that all issues are exhausted.

Cdr. Simon Kun Pouch. The speakers have not talked on how to combat corruption. The formation of a committee to work out functions for our structures is not really a priority because they already exist, we need only to share power and prepare job descriptions for all the institutions of the movement.

Cdr. James Kok Ruea. A preparatory committee for the Convention should be formed within the shortest time possible. We should work on the structures that will make the Movement function during the interim period as follows: 1) 1st Vice Chairman to chair the GMC, 2) 2nd Vice Chairman to chair the committee for the interim period and 3) 3rd Vice Chairman to chair the committee for National Convention.

Mr. Muhammad Marjan. I believe that the world is looking forward to knowing what our movement will be like once peace is signed and we emerge as a government.

Cdr. Michael Makuei Lueth. There is no need to form a committee to investigate the rumours, which were circulating, unless Cdr. Salva insists that they have never been rumours. I call upon both the Chairman and Cdr. Salva to build confidence between themselves. I assure the Chairman that as we are entering a new era, and if we remain in an unprepared manner, we will eventually be finished. The immediate establishment of our structures is necessary. The distribution of powers is also necessary. The army must be organized. There is also the importance of speeding up South-South dialogue before we enter the forthcoming era. The other issue is corruption. I am saying that the leadership is not committed to fighting corruption. I am against the suggestion that there should be a committee for the army’s reorganization. It is for the COGS, his deputies, and the directors to sit at the GHQs and issue orders according to the plans they set. The national Liberation members sh!
ould not blame the Chairman alone. In Gorok, the NLC gave the Chairman a blank cheque to restructure the movement, and that was when things started to go wrong.

DAY 2

Session 1

Opening remarks by the Master of ceremony after prayers noted that the present meeting has come out in the internet; and a warning was given to those who might have done so.

Mr. Kosti Manibe. I want to add my voice to those who have already spoken. I express my appreciation to those concerned for having resorted to peace negotiations and to end the conflict through dialogue. I am happy that the 1991 disaster has been avoided. I acknowledge the existence of gaps in the system and I call upon the leaders to address the communication needs. I stress the need for media to send accurate messages to our people, enemies, etc.. The Movement should have a capacity for communication to deal with the media when required. I point out that a lot has been achieved – 90% of the objectives have been achieved. There are structures, but a lot of work requires to be done

The JAM’s programme on capacity building should be followed. Functions will be set out. On policy issues, I suggest that a lot remains to be done to build confidence in our system and institutions. I suggest that there is a need to form a small committee to look into the minutes of this meeting and to identify the crucial issues that needs resolutions as soon as possible. Such information should be disseminated.

Cdr. John Luke. I am happy that the rumours have been resolved. The rumours of the dismissal of Cdr. Salva has been on air for a long time. There were other rumours that Cdr. James Wani was going to be replaced by Cdr. Pagan. Some responsible people in the Leadership Council have been quoted as saying that Cdr. Salva, with support from Bona Malual, will make a coup. There has been a problem among members of Leadership Council who have been complaining a lot. There is no system, especially in the office of the Chairman, which is treated as a private entity. The office of a leader must be well organized and staffed properly to do its work.

On the responsibility of leadership, Cdr. Dr. John should not be blamed alone because there are others. The dissolution of the Leadership Council will not mean that a normal system will be established. No proper changes will take place, even if the Leadership Council is dissolved. If Dr. Garang dissolves the Leadership Council, he will appoint the same people in the L.C. There is no need to make changes now until peace is signed. The formation process f or the government needs wide consultation; people should wait for a month until peace is signed.

The Chairman is being accused for not implementing decisions. In the army, if you need structures, I see Cdr. Salva as a political figure; so a pure army officer should be appointed as Chief of Staff and Cdr. Salva should be given a Commission. This way, the army should be run by an army officer who is not a politician.

Why is the leadership avoiding South-South dialogue? The Chairman refused to accept dialogue, but claims it after others implemented it. It was Cdr. Salva who supported the Wunlit Peace Conference – but the Chairman was against it. At the recent conference in Nairobi organized by the Kenyan Minister for Planning, the SPLM/A failed to attend because the Chairman had refused to let the SPLM attend. Cdr. James Wani is weak and the Chairman uses him to kill things related to South-South dialogue. The NLC is dead and I suggest that an emergency convention be organized immediately.

 Cdr. Marc Nyipouch. Cdr. Marc stated that the rumour that madam Nyandeng was arrested with 3.5 is libel and defamation. He continued to cite the case of General Lagu during the Regional Government. On the issue of Governor Deng Alor, Cdr. Marc said that Cdr. Deng collects money from abroad, banks it with the Chairman’s or his (Deng’s)
bank account, and that is why Deng Alor was taken away from the region – just to do that. Something Nhial has failed to do but what Deng is able to do. Deng should either be a Governor of Bahr el Ghazal or be replaced.

Mr. Arthur Akuien. I am being called the Finance Secretary but without any finance. I want to point out that the rumours have been destructive and that the leadership style encourages such rumours. I want to say that the Chairman does not delegate powers to his deputies. The Chairman is responsible for creating this crisis in the movement.

On the structures, there are structures. But the Chairman after appointing someone to a position does not work with him, but he will appoint someone else to do the work, which is wrong. The Chairman creates all these problems within the system, and this is why he is being blamed. I also point out when a senior person tries to discipline a junior, the Chairman always fails to solve the problem among the staff and instead interferes. The leadership style of the Chairman’s work is bad and cannot be corrected. The Chairman has not been doing well in his job and he may be forced to leave his office before six years.

Dr. Justin Yac. The Chairman is good for external contacts but within his own institutions he is not good. The Chairman is good in talking but poor in doing things. The Cdrs. Condemned him the day before and I quote Cdr. Salva who said that “Dr. John does not forget and does not forgive”, and who ever quarreled him ended up dead.

Many people know the Chairman’s abilities and weaknesses for the last twenty-two years. The Chairman can impress people when he talks, but lacks action. The commanders the day before gave the Chairman grade F because he failed to adequately answer the issues raised by Cdr. Salva. The Chairman should not think that he is always right; rather he must admit his mistakes. The Chairman must work with a team and not be a leader of the NLC and Chairman of SPLM. Leadership must be collective.

The officers the other day faced the Chairman with hard facts, but we have not been telling the Chairman the truth. We are also to blame. The Chairman should respond to issues of structures to avoid the recurrence of this problem. The Chairman can listen and write on issues, but he always discards them. The Chairman has been everything ever since the movement started. I call upon the Chairman to work with people and not alone. The Chairman should know that he has been wrong because some of the members have not been telling him the truth. Some leaders should be blamed for not doing their part, for many have not been doing things properly. I repeat what Cdr. Salva said that Dr. John does not forget and forgive. So I want to say that those without guns are vulnerable. The Cdrs. Are secure because they have guns to protect themselves from the Chairman, but I ask, who is going to protect those of us without guns?

I call upon Dr. John to listen to all the demands and that he (the Chairman) should make changes and suitable structures. I also suggest that the Rumbek meeting should come up with resolutions that we support the finalization of the peace agreement now, all should be committed to the peace process.

On the issue of dissolution of the leadership council, there is no difference so no changes are necessary. I urge the Chairman to work closely with his aids. We have sat here because we are part and parcel of the executive and leadership as well. Mr. Chairman, I urge you to treat us equally and remove doubts that there are people you prefer.

Cdr. Elijah Malok. I propose the formation of three (3) committees, and that they remain here in Rumbek to start their work as we may have problems with resources and the committees should finish before December 31st.

Cdr. John Koang Nyuon. I thank the Chairman and his 1st Deputy to have responded positively to our wish to sit, as we are doing now to discuss and resolve issues that create misunderstandings. Rumours always create problems. The availability of Thuraya telephones in abundance is really a problem as some of their users can verbally reveal our secrets for the sake of money or any other reason. The reaction by some officers is appreciated, as they only want the resolution of our outstanding problems.

I suggest the formation of regional committees to organize our army within the coming month since you mentioned that peace is likely to be signed by the end of December. I see this as the immediate priority other than the rest we are now discussing – as other structures already exist. To organize the army is not so difficult.

A clarification was made by 1st Vice Chairman Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit: “What brought us here to meet is the question of the rumours, which have been circulating. As the Chairman read in his messages, we haven’t reached a conclusion, as we have not known from where they emanate. When I went to greet the Chairman it was immediately announced that Cdr. Salva has met with Dr. John and their differences are resolved. The question is how does this news go out? I believe that they are not from my part. The rumours came from Nairobi not from Yei”.

Cdr. Abdelaziz Adam Alhilu. The structures formed during the 1st national convention exist, the only thing is that they are not effective due to meager resources. The lack of adequate resources is the main problem that affects their functioning. Instability is also a factor. A system normally operates when the enemy is inactive.

The establishment of structures at present when peace is not yet signed will also put us in difficulties, so it is important to wait for a conducive atmosphere. I agree with the suggestion for the 2nd national convention to take place as soon as possible. I don’t agree with those who say committees should be formed to organize the army. I see it fit that local committees shoulder such responsibilities provided that resources are made available.

Cdr. Daniel Awet Akot. This is a good opportunity for one to air out what had been said before, As Dr. John and Cdr. Salva put it, that they don’t have personal or political problems – then that is appreciated.

Cdr. Ayuen Alier. If the style of leadership is changed, things will automatically change for the better. The whole issue is our general problem not only the Chairman and his deputies. Our top leaders restricted travel to Nairobi with their officers, but that cannot work. Every-body gets there on his own. There is a necessity that capacity building starts now. Cdr. Ayuen made the additional observation, that the lack of self- confidence is always the cause of our problems, and as for rumours, which have been confusing, I assure you that those who have self-confidence cannot be affected by rumours.

The suggestion by Cdr. Elijah Malok that committees be formed and start their work here in Rumbek is supported by me. The delegation for the peace talks should be the only ones to go: let us support peace because it is the requirement for now. Mr. Chairman I end by thanking both of you for having cooled your nerves. Come together to discuss so that we can resolve whatever problems are facing us.

Cdr. Kuol Manyang. I think this meeting is historical and as we enter a new era, we are going to be more united after this meeting. You differ with someone and you reconcile. Differences are natural. A person can easily make a problem between him and another. We have to unite and this is how you can overcome rumours, which confuses the people. Like the recent situation, I was informed through unofficial channels that Cdr. Salva had been removed. I called Cdr. Deng Alor and we were joined by Cdr. Awet and we went to Cdr. Salva and told him that what is being alleged is a lie, and that there was no meeting held concerning this. We then moved to Nairobi where we communicated this issue to Dr. John Garang and that was when this meeting was planned and Cdr. James Kok and Cdr. Nhial were asked to organize transportation to this end.

So I thank both Cdr./Dr. John Garang and Cdr. Salva Kiir for having attended this meeting and permitting us to discuss and come up with decisions that promotes unity and harmony. Differences between Cdr. Salva and Dr. John existed from a long time ago, as Cdr. Chagai mentioned, but there was no decisive steps taken to resolve them until today.

As for structures, they are there. The only problem is how to maintain and have them effectively function due to a lack of resources. Our structures have to be operationalized. But the matter is not a question of dissolving other bodies such as the Leadership Council, NLC and so on. I don’t have any objection with the formation of committees, but I only say that reorganization of the army must be the responsibility of COGS and his Deputies. I urge both of you, the Chairman and Cdr. Salva to open a new page in order for us to go forward.

Cdr. Nhial. People should be judged by what they have contributed to the Movement. We should sincerely address our issues. I am absolutely prepared for the proposal to dissolve the Leadership Council and we all see what scenario we can take.

To have structures and institutions you need to have three things; 1) the structure itself, 2) resources, and 3) the people, because its people who run the structures. The resources and the personnel go together. Without having prepared for this, it is now one of the serious problems we face as we enter the forthcoming era.

CDr. Malik Agar. The current issue of the differences between the Chairman and his deputy is surprising in that I was aware of this even ten years ago. Whenever it is about to be addressed, each of them says there is ‘no problem’. The big problem is trust among yourselves. This needs to be rebuilt and you will be the ones to arrive at sound solutions to the existing problems.

Comrade Chairman, as we enter the new era, we shall be competing with other parties. Let us start with the effective establishment of our structures and draw up our programmes. We need a system. I have worked as a Governor for ten (10) years; yet, I could have committed many mistakes during that time. Has the Chairman any day called me to tell me that I have made a mistake? There is no system here.

The issue of reorganizing the army is a burning issue as most of the soldiers are now in an unorganized form and this will work against us. As monitors will verify, we don’t have the army. The distribution of powers is the vital issue to avoid future misunderstandings.

Cdr. Pagan Amum Okech. Comrade Chairman, I will focus on the crucial issue, but before that, I want to tell you this. We are here to discuss the rumours that have been circulating and which almost created a very serious development within the movement’s liberated areas, in Khartoum and among the Diaspora. My advice is to the Southerners who have fought for the last twenty two (22) years. I am first going to concentrate on the recent rumours. Cdr. Gier happened to ring me asking me whether I came across information from Yei that the leadership have met and decided to remove him from the second position. I advised Cdr. Gier not to believe that because it is a rumour, and if it spreads, it will create confusion. He then heeded my advice. Again Cdr. Deng Alor phoned to me on the same issue, but I also told him that these are rumours and Cdr. Salva should not believe such rumours. There had been meetings in Khartoum and there was a public statement made by Uncle Bona Malual and r!
etired General Joseph Lagu. If the enemy succeeds in dividing us, it may lead to our failure and peace may not be achieved.

This time is very critical Cdr. Salva and Cdr. Chairman; if we say we will remain here to deal with the rumours only, I think we will be here up to the coming year. I advise both of you to put aside these rumours. Even though we did not defeat the enemy, what we had achieved will make the enemy coincide with what we tell them. At this crucial moment we must think thoroughly of what we should do to enable us go forward. This is my appeal to both of you Cdr. Salva and Cdr. Chairman. There is another rumour now that I want to take the place of Cdr. James Wani Igga. I assure you Cdr. Wani that there is nothing like this at all.

The establishment and building of structures at this particular time is vital. Our priority is now to finalize the peace talks. The Chairman and his deputies must go to Nairobi so that we are not considered intransigent because the process can easily be derailed. Concerning the reorganization of the COGS and his deputies, we can do that unless the problem of resources hinders us.

Cdr. James Wani Igga. I congratulate the Chairman for calling this important meeting. I also congratulate Cdr. Salva for having attended this meeting. This paves a way for a solution to our problems. I thank both of you for your patriotic stand since the beginning of the struggle – both of you have collectively worked to protect this movement from upheavals. I consider you as the central pillars of this Movement. Let me come to the main topics, which are the SPLM/A’s major problems. Solving a problem is like bringing pus out from somebody’s gull. Problem No. 1, we are not working as a team, which results in disgruntlement.

No. 2, we have the structures formed in the 1994 Convention which were only the NEC & NLC, but by 1998, people became fed up of those structures. I appeal that we keep these structures but make necessary changes. I would like to underline something connected with structure. In 1998 we came out with a constitution named the SPLM constitution. This was not passed by the NLC because they were expecting a state constitution. But we had agreed to use that constitution, and there are structures there. In one of the L.C. meetings we had revised the constitution and even the manifesto. Up to now, we had passed four (4) documents. The SPLM constitution. The SPLM manifesto. The 3rd document is the SPLM policy on dialogue and it concerns how we go about South-South dialogue. Our main constraint in starting South-South dialogue is the lack of money. Documents No. 4, is the SPLM policy on the transformation of Sudan. All these documents are there ready. Comrade Chairman, our constraint i!
n the political Affairs Commission is lack of facilities, but we have really tried our best. As for the army reorganization, if we become surprised by the signing of the peace deal, I think it will be difficult to regroup our army simply because we don’t have resources. Once peace is signed, there is going to be the establishment of standard national structures. Structures are our No. 2 problems, including the official management of office institutions.

Cdr. Wani listed other problems:
No. 3: The existence of a Kitchen Cabinet is deplorable and creates doubts and mistrust.

No. 4: The geographical imbalances found in the movement. If this is not addressed, we will never be in harmony.
No. 5: Poor chain of command.
No. 6: Spread of rumours.

Let’s come to the question of rumours. When rumours were developing I was in Nairobi and I went to Kampala. When I reached Kaya, I was being asked what had happened. I was then told that you are coming from Nairobi and that you met and decided to replace Cdr. Salva with Cdr. Nhial. I told that that this is just rumours and I believe that Cdr. Salva will not believe this. He will immediately throw it out the window.

Problem 7: Lack of implementation of resolutions and the lack of a follow up body. Our resolutions always die on the paper.
Problem 8: Corruption which remains rampant in the Movement. Corruption must be fought for example, some years back the Chairman in a meeting informed us that Cdr. Deng Alor brought some money from Nigeria, but how that money was spent had never been explained to us again. I ask the question where is the transparency and accountability we talked about?

Problem 9: Lack of cooperation, accompanied by sabotage. Some work for the
downfall of others without any accountability.

Problem 10: Neglect of the army and its welfare.
Problem 11: Absence of job description, which cause confusion.
Problem 12: Nepotism. It should be fought.

There are two examples to illustrate the issue of nepotism. One is the removal of Aleu Anyeny from his position and his replacement by the Chairman with an officer from his home village. Another is the appointment of Dr. Lual Deng as an advisor to the Chairman. We all heard this in a meeting in which the Chairman announced Lual’s appointment without any official procedures followed. When I talk about regional imbalances, all I need to say is that no Equatorian was even allowed to be a signatory of the six protocols. We are making history and this history should involve all the people of New Sudan. The protocols are only signed by individuals from Bahr el Ghazal, Upper Nile, Nuba Mountains and Funj!

Problem 13: Neglect in the chain of command, which has led to indiscipline.

Cdr. Wani proposed a way forward. I suggest that an investigation committee be appointed by the Chairman to find out the origination of these rumours. Let’s avoid ‘Kitchen Cabinets’ and combat corruption. We need a mechanism to be adopted to fight corruption. Let’s respect the chain of command. Let’s avoid any regional misbalancing. Job descriptions must be effected. South-South dialogue advanced. The convening of the second National convention requires additional money. The reaction of the Chairman to all the listed problems is necessary. As a sign of true reconciliation, they need to warmly greet themselves in front of us here, then follow that up with a joint statement. A traditional ceremony should be carried out by some of the elders here. We take what had happened like a normal wave when in a canoe. Let us reconcile so that we defeat our common enemy.

Cdr. Riek Machar. I was struggling whether to speak or not because of the nature of the issues being raised. When we met as a Leadership Council, there were divergent views. Before that I met Aleu Anyieny and he told me that if you are going to talk to Cdr. Salva, don’t talk about the problems being personal. These problems are administrative. Serious rumours have also been circulating in London when I was there. They talked about a ‘change of the guards’ and the removal and replacement of Cdr. Salva by Cdr. Nhial. I appealed to the participants in that meeting that we should unite since we are entering peace, because if there is a split, the enemy may dishonour the agreement we had already signed. In any case, suppose we sign the peace, the SPLA will be a national army whereas the SPLM will be competing with other political parties. The SPLA must retain an independent national character.

Concerning the structures, I have participated in a workshop on the formation of structures at all levels including the transformation of the SPLM into a political party. These are all being worked out. We are only behind in our military preparations. This doesn’t need a committee to do that. The COGS, his deputies, directors, and local commanders can do that. The army is the most important element to protect the gains of the struggle and as such we need to organize it and take care of them and their families. We all have to participate in calling them to report to their units or camps where they should regroup and organize. Our chiefs are important institutions that can effectively participate in this endeavor.

Another problem we will face is the returnees, which are estimated to be up to 4 million residing in exile for almost fifteen years. They have acquired different attitudes, culture and perspectives. Not only are they in the north, but we have a good number of our people living in various western countries. We will be confronted by all these groups with a series of problems of cultural differences and we must be prepared to integrate these two groups into our civil life and norms.

I believe that unless something happens in Khartoum, the war is over. Unless the enemy causes us to split, the war is over. This requires us to expedite the reorganization of the army. I do not agree with Mathiang Rok about his suggestion that committees be formed to discuss the six (6) signed protocols. In addition, we should be privileged that the UN SG visited Africa to discuss the issue of peace in Sudan – The first time it happened was during the decolonization of Africa – making the achievement of peace highly likely this year.

As for South-South dialogue, we can start now. We should be prepared to negotiate with whatever party is ready to dialogue. If we wait until the government is formed, they will be the ones to undermine the GOSS. We must achieve consensus. Let us not delay south-south dialogue. The lack of dialogue can be a source of disunity, but if we handle it properly, it can also be a source of unity and this will allow the people to rally behind the leadership. There is a need to call the NLC as soon as possible to deliberate on the agreement. What I mean is the current NLC. The next convention, which needs to be convened as soon as possible, will elect a new NLC and who will be charged with the responsibility of working on a national constitutional government of south Sudan, etc.. From now, we have agreed that the judiciary be independent.

Session 5

Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit. Greetings to the Chairman and Madame de Mabior and others in this meeting. We apologize for not allowing you to attend the first meeting, which lasted for two days. The second meeting is composed of SPLM Counties Secretaries, civil society, women groups, the youth, etc.. The decision was deliberate and we did not want the meeting to be talking shop.

I have no more to say. The issue which brought us here have been raised and you all have given your concerns. Let us take the line of peace to be the priority. In the absence of peace we must be prepared for war. There had been many Security Council resolutions of the same nature passed like this of Sudan, but have not been implemented, such as the PLO, Western Sahara, etc..

I thank those who have exerted efforts to travel from their various locations to Yei where they met me on the situation. As I told you, there were no personal problems, they are administrative given my profession, and I know that rumours are dangerous. Rumours must be treated as rumours, but there is no smoke without fire. I don’t agree with Cdr. Wani that these rumours were created by the enemy. There are people among us who are more dangerous than the enemy. I must warn the Chairman that Nimeiri was made to be unpopular by his security organs. Those who are misleading you and giving you false security information about others will suffer with you together or leave with you. The government, which is going to be led by you must include all. Without unity, the agreement will be a source of our disunity. We are not organized in all aspects, and as such will be exploited by other political parties that are more organized. The lack in our structures and political guidance will l!
ead us to a very serious political defeat. Mr. Chairman, you have talked about people eating the boat while we are in the middle of the river. Let me add this; the issue is not eating the boat in the middle of the river. The issue is that there are a few who have already crossed to the other side of the river and when the remaining ones asked them to bring the boat, they refused to return the boat. This is the problem

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Minutes of Historical SPLM Meeting in Rumbek 2004.

SPLM/A Founders

Minutes of Historical SPLM Meeting in Rumbek 2004.

At the end of 2004, while the Sudanese people were closely following Naivasha peace talks with a lot of expectations for freedom and democratic transformation, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) was plagued with rumors and accusations of conspiracy.

To put an end to this acute crisis, an extraordinary meeting was convened to dissipate rumors and misunderstanding related to the removal of the deputy chairman of the SPLM, Salva Kiir Mayadrit and his replacement by the young Nhial Deng Nhial.
The importance of this meeting stems from the fact that it safeguarded the unity of the SPLM at a critical stage and paved the way for signing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) on January 9, 2005.The following is the full text of the minutes of the three-day meeting which took place in Rumbek from November 29 to December 1, 2004; one month before the signing of the CPA.
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT ON THE RUMBEK MEETING 2004
On the Joint meeting of the SPLM/A leadership Council, General Military Command Council, Heads of Commissions, SPLM Secretariats, SPLM County Secretaries, Civil Society & Community Leaders.
RUMBEK 29TH OF NOVEMBER TO 1ST OF DECEMBER 2004
DAY 1: Opening Prayer: Rev. Clement Janda
Introduction: Cdr. Dr. Riek Machar
Briefing: Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit
Introduction.
Cdr. Dr. Riek Machar Thanked Cdr. Mark Nyipuoch, Cdr. Dr. John Garang and the other participants and announced the beginning of the meeting, which had been ordered by the Chairman. The first part of the meeting comprised of the leadership council, the Secretariats, and the members of the General Staff. The second part was composed of the members of IGAD team, and the Commissioners and Secretaries of the SPLM.
In the opening of the meeting the Chairman Cdr. Dr. John Garang, thanked members of the SPLM/A national leadership Council and welcomed all the participants who traveled to Rumbek. ‘I thank you in the name of the Almighty God. To begin with I wrote two messages:
One on 14/11/004 (No. 001/11/004) to address the following accusations/rumours; • That there was a meeting held in Nairobi under the Chairmanship of myself where Cdr. Salva Kiir would be replaced by the Chairman with Cdr. Nhial Deng.
• That I went to Kampala and met with Cdr. Pieng and ordered him to arrest Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit.
• That Cdr. Malual Majok went to Ramciel to collect forces to go and arrest Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit at Yei.They are all lies and a big propaganda initiative.
The second message was on 23/11/04 calling for this meeting which we are now convening today and where I want to make a general briefing about the signing of peace next month in which each and every one should be informed accordingly.
Cdr. Machar then welcomed Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit to brief the national leadership meeting where he welcomed the Chairman and C-in-C and the national leadership. ‘I confirm the two messages read to you by the Chairman are all true. The rumours came from Nairobi and around the leadership of the SPLM/A. The second message I got was through Cdr. Pagan Amum who was visiting the liberated areas with friends from friendly countries. I requested Cdr. Mabior Kuer to ask the HQs why I am not talking directly to the Chairman. I spoke to the Chairman when he was in Kampala and he told me that I should meet him in Yirol, which I didn’t reply to in the light of the rumours.The rumours implied that I will be arrested at Ramciel where the Chairman was, so I decided not to go. When I received that rumour, I called the security personnel in Yei and discussed the issue in length with them. I also informed them to find out where the sources of the rumours from Nairobi were coming from, which they did.
After I spoke with the Chairman, I also met Cdr. Pieng in Yei for the whole day and he was advising me to join the Chairman in Yirol, which I refused. After that I met Cdr. Kuol Manyang and Cdr. Deng Alor. They came from Nairobi with information that I should go to Nairobi for reconciliation between the two of us. I considered the word reconciliation as something very serious, and therefore decided to tell them that I will not go to Nairobi. The HQs of the Chairman complained that they were calling me and that if I recognized their number, I would switch off the telephone. That is not true; I never received any call from them and switch off my telephone.
I assure you that the allegation that I am against peace is not true. I am really for peace so that the International Community could rescue our suffering people. People of Bahr El Ghazal have suffered too much from repeated famine and from the Arab militias – and for these reasons I am the first to embrace peace to relief them from suffering. Peace efforts such as the Wunlit Peace Conference have up to date ceased hostilities between Western Upper Nile and Bahr El Ghazal; and that is good. So I need peace. There are those who want to create confusion in the Movement and fabricate such things. I don’t have personal problem with the Chairman.
If we are National Leaders, which I don’t believe we are because we have no cohesion within our leadership structure, let us be sincere with ourselves. After meetings are concluded, we run to foreign countries. There is no code of conduct to guide the Movement’s structures. When the Chairman leaves for abroad, no directives are left and no one is left to act on his behalf. I don’t know with whom the Movement is left with; or does he carry it in his own brief case?
The Chairman killed the national Executive Council (NEC) by creating the leadership Council. But there is no provision in the Convention for a ‘Leadership Council’. Does he want to revive the Political Military High Command? The Leadership Council creates a situation where all are directly reporting to the Chairman – including SPLM County Secretaries. When I mentioned these facts, they should not be construed to be my personal or family problems. Those around the Chairman don’t tell him the opinion of the public. The Chairman is everything, from a finance officer to one at the lowest level.Corruption, as a result of the lack of structures, has created a lack of accountability, which has reached a proportion that will be difficult to eradicate.
In fact, there are many outstanding administrative problems that require our attention. These include the infrequent converting of conferences at the leadership level, causing an absence in the SPLA/M chain of command and making others to directly communicate with the Chairman without following the right procedures. This should be corrected. If the responsibility of Governors goes directly to the Chairman, what will be the work of Cdr. Daniel Awet? I hope Cdr. Daniel Awet will address all those things. The Chairman should not make appointments of SPLM County Secretaries; it is the work of the Governors.
The other issue I would like Comrade Chairman to address is how the CANS structures are now operating, e.g., take the absence of the SPLM Regional Secretary for Bahr El Gazal from his area of responsibility while there has been sporadic tribal feuds within the region – and which has resulted into sectional conflict. The Chairman most of the time send Cdr. Deng Alor on foreign missions which were supposed to be the work of Cdr. Nhial Deng.There are several other administrative issues that require correction. We are three Deputies without functions. The Chairman is responsible for all systems including the Army General Headquarters. Our HQs. started in Yei, then Rumbek, then new Cush and now Ramciel. When are we going to establish our HQs? The deputies of the General Staff are the ones commanding the forces; they should stay in the General Headquarters instead of commanding. Yet the Chairman is the one who dismantled the General Headquarters. Comrade Chairman, the establishment of the General headquarters hasn’t been fulfilled and this I have been requesting ever since Yei was liberated. Branch officers such as the Director of Military Intelligence and his deputy are now in your Headquarters, though they are supposed to remain at the General Headquarters. The Chairman concentrates on his headquarters forgetting the rest of the army. It is only his headquarters, which has military uniforms, boots and other supplies.
Our present situation requires us to be organized and prepared. If peace is signed, the question is; what have we done in training our military cadres so that they meet the standard of their counterparts in the integrated army. There are rumours that the Chairman had already selected by name those Commanders who would command the Joint Integrated Army. What about the rest of the army and who will pay them? The Chairman seems to have taken the Movement as his own property. As we leave Rumbek after this meeting, I would like to see that all our administrative issues be addressed and implemented following this meeting’s resolutions.
I would also want Comrade Chairman to give me full powers of the Chief of the General Staff (COGS) to enable me expedite the regrouping and reorganization of the SPLA, and if Comrade Chairman sees that I am not able to do that job, then he can appoint another person to do it.The Chairman is to be 1st Vice-President of the Sudan and the head of the Government of Southern Sudan, but he is not talking to Southerners. The North is organizing southern militias so that we fight among ourselves. We must unite our own ranks and not just unity with the north. On a personal basis, I don’t have any problems with the Chairman but our working relationship is bad and leaves a lot to be desired.
I would also like to say something about rampant corruption in the Movement. At the moment some members of the Movement have formed private companies, bought houses and have huge bank accounts in foreign countries. I wonder what kind of system are we going to establish in South Sudan considering ourselves indulged in this respect.
2nd Session
Response from the Chairman. I give the floor to the national leadership to comment on what had been said by Cdr. Salva Kiir, I don’t want this to be a debate between Cdr. Salva Kiir and I.
Edward Lino thanked the Chairman and said we are really in need of resolving the problems within the SPLM/A. The people of Abyei are accused of being Dr. John’s supporters and as such, are victimized for that.
Cdr. Pieng made an intervention that Cdr. Edward was not addressing the issues.
Cdr. Elijah Malok stated he really supported what Cdr. Salva Kiir said, and recommended that a collective leadership be created. Here in Bahr El Ghazal Cdr. Deng Alor has been away for too long and these are known facts; the leadership council should address and resolve these outstanding issues and go back on the right track. Let us form committees to reorganize the army, since all the units are here. I don’t believe what Cdr. Mayardit said about the people being victimized. Structures are to be recognized right way as a government so let us reorganize them and work in the right way as a government.Dr. Justin Yac. I will go with the suggestion of Cdr. Pieng that the Chairman response to the issues raised by Cdr. Salva Kiir.
Cdr./Dr. John Garang I will give my contribution to what has been raised; that firstly we need to dispose of rumours. In the whole of South Sudan, there is a general concern from the citizens, and in Yei, the officers and citizens believe there is a danger facing the Movement. We have to clear the danger and give our people assurances.
Cdr. Salva Kiir and I have been together in the movement for 22 years, and have been close friends, and we will continue that way. 22 years of friendship can’t be thrown away by rumours; Cdr. Salva will be with me now until the end of the interim period and beyond, and I will cite what was said when I visited Malual Kon and the “Luak” of the family of Cdr. Salva where I entered the house to show comradeship and a long cherished friendship. At a meeting while visiting there we were told, “You are the two orphans” left because the original members of the High Command died, both of us will carry on to bring peace.I cited what happened at New Site recently when the Chiefs a ceremony where a bull was sacrificed to show how we are united. At the spiritual performance, one traditional leader said that 4 things will happen: –
1. The bull will urinate.
2. The bull will fall down.
3. The bull will face the North.
4. The bull will die without being slaughtered.
And all the four happened.The allegation that I was going to dismiss Cdr. Salva and arrest him was not only a lie, but it did not even occur in my mind. I was preoccupied with the peace process and not trying to create a crisis. Before UN Security Council Meeting, I received a telephone call from President Bush who said that he now had those who will work with him during the next four years and that I am one of them. President Bush said, “John don’t let us down. We want peace before the end of the year”.
The allegation that I will be replacing Cdr. Salva was a bad lie. If Cdr. Salva was dismissed and replaced with Cdr. Nhial Deng Nhial, it would mean that I would have dismissed all those senior to Cdr. Nhial which includes Cdr. Riek, Cdr. James, Cdr. Daniel Awet, Cdr. Lual Diing, etc. – which would be bad for the Movement. So this allegation is a lie. The crisis only has the support of our enemies who want a crisis in the Movement. This situation was created by our enemies because they do not want to sign the peace agreement.The Chairman pointed out that the GOS has never been happy with the protocols, specially the Machakos protocol, because of the self-determination clause. The GOS and their supporters don’t accept the security arrangement and the Wealth Sharing Agreement, which gives the South of Sudan 51%. The Khartoum Government wants to reject the agreement being signed or at least delay it. By delaying in signing, Khartoum will gain $2.5 billion from the oil revenues, which we must prevent by all means possible. Khartoum was unhappy with the Power Sharing and 3 areas protocols. Neither I nor Cdr. Salva had any interest in delaying the peace agreement. I have nothing to gain by dismissing Cdr. Salva.Finally I have never had any thought of dismissing Cdr. Salva. And it should be considered a lie. This rumour has caused commotion everywhere in Southern Sudan, Khartoum and the Diaspora – so I will assure our people everywhere and send a strong message to Khartoum Government that they will not divide the SPLM/A.
Cdr. Salva and I are innocent of the situation, and four of our leaders will appear in a press conference telling the whole world about our unity and that there is no problem among SPLM/A members. Secondly, I want to assure you of my confidence in Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit. My relationship with Cdr. Salva goes back to 1983 – Cdr. Chagai Atem, Kerubino and many others were close to me. I still have personal relationship with Cdr. Salva and I trust and have confidence in him. This is needed now than ever before. I want Cdr. Salva to be around me during the interim period, and beyond.
The Government of Sudan called upon all the Newspapers to stop making allegations against the Movement. So let us put that issue to rest.
Secondly, Cdr. Salva said that I brought all the officers around me, leaving him alone in vacuum. What I can say is that is not true.
On internal reforms, I agree that reforms are necessary. We are all behind them. We have been making reforms since 1983, e.g., the Zonal Command, Political High Command, NLC, NEC, etc.. these structures can be changed but the objective remains the same. Our imperfect structures have brought us to the present day. Let us not throw away these structures now, otherwise we will throw ourselves away.
The Chairman urged the meeting to introduce changes slowly. He said he is for change but slow change. The Chairman reiterated that all SPLM/A members will be protected; he assured all members that no one will be left out. On the issue of new comers who are said to be taking over the Movement, he said we should accept all southerners new or old because there are more southerners than members of the SPLM/A who must be accommodated; but no newcomer will displace anyone who has been with us for years.
On the appointment of Governors; all Governors will be appointed from their respective areas, e.g. in Lakes the Governor here will come from Lakes. As for States, people of each State will form their governments with no marginalization within States.
As for the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS), there will be representation based on the states, fairness and justice. Similarly at the Central Government, there will be State representation. All Governments, whether GOSS or State Governments will be based on modern standardized structures.The army will be organized based on modern standards. The SPLM will be reorganized democratically. There will be a mult-party system. There will be no need for coup d’etat anymore, so for example my friend Dr. Riek Machar will not need to make a coup because he can form his own party if he is discontented with SPLM.
The issue now is how to achieve a Comprehensive Peace Agreement. After that, the 2nd national Convention will be convened as soon as possible after the peace agreement is signed. The NIF Government is not happy having to sign the agreement on or before 31st December 2004. The Government is not happy with the UN Security Council Resolution1574. The NIF want to create an armed group loyal to them. They also want to create a political group from among southerners to be used by them. We must stop such a move that will create enemies among Southerners to fight among themselves.
South-to-South dialogue must be organized properly, but the leadership has refused outside mediation. I told the European groups about our stand on this. The Power Sharing protocol states that the SPLM will form the Government in the South. The protocol give 15% to non-SPLM/A members and 15% to members of other parties. There will be discussions therefore with Southern parties.On Civil Society, we need to dialogue with them including the Churches. On top of that, lawyers and other concerned members will write a constitution for Southern Sudan. There will be a constitution for states and the rule of law will be established.
Finally, regarding our vision and strategies; we must continue with our programmes because we are succeeding in the process. I reject the view that there are some of us who are unionists and others separatists within the SPLM/A. There are no such differences among our people. We are all for the unity of Southern people, and the Movement will carry out the referendum. As for members of the Khartoum National Government who have mutinied, there is a group calling themselves SPLM/A members. I told them that we want peace and we don’t want you to be SPLM/A now. I told the group to organize their own independent Movement, and not be associated with SPLM/A.
On the structures the only way to resolve it is through the national Convention, which should be convened as soon as possible.
3rd Session
Cdr. Deng Monydit. Greeted everyone and praised the leaders for coming together. He stated his appreciation of the response given by the leadership; ‘I want to say I am happy to discuss what was about to be stolen from us, and it is not the concern of those in London. This struggle is not the private property of anybody. Whoever says the Movement is his property is wrong, for the movement is for all.
Cdr. Garang Mobil. I thank the leaders. Since 1997 I decided to stay in my house because I did not believe that our problems should be solved by violence. Facts must be stated now in order to solve them once and for all. On the ‘orphans’ there six (6) members who died and only two (2) are left. The question I want to discuss today, is that there is a problem but the Chairman keeps saying there are no problems, only a ‘gap’ between him and Cdr. Salva. He will not accept there are problems in the New Sudan. But if the problem is not solved, there will be no peace. I also want to say that the movement is in the hands of a few and many are alienated. National resources must be shared by all, no matter how small it is. The structures are controlled by a few minority groups, and this must be sorted out now in Rumbek. This minority group is the problem; hand picking people must stop now because it is creating problems.
Cdr. Agassio Akol. There is a problem because many people avoid Cdr. Salva as Deputy Chairman and Chief of the General Staff. The Governors and their deputies bypass Salva and correspond directly with the Chairman of the Movement, which I consider to be outside proper procedure. Cdr. Salva said that in his talks, he raised specific issues which he needed answers on. The Chairman must have failed to answer these issues, otherwise, the talks would have ended. Cdr. Salva said he did not blame anyone but the Chairman. He wanted the Chairman to tell him whether he was wrong or not. For example Cdr. Salva questioned the legitimacy of the leadership Council, as he considered it to be illegal.The National Convention is unlikely to come soon to solve the problems of our structures; the convention has no importance for now. For Cdr. Salva, structures cannot be done by a Convention. So who is going to organize the army?
Cdr. Mark Nyipuoc intervened by saying a press conference should be made.
Cdr. Taban Deng Gai. I want to express my appreciation and happiness for this meeting. It is good to discuss issues of this nature, which appear to divide our movement. I want to congratulate the leaders for agreeing to come to attend the meeting. I want to congratulate Dr. Riek, Ayendit and others for the mediation. If we had such mediation in 1991, there would have been no problems that year, and the coup d’etat would not have taken place. This meeting is on internal issues. Those in Khartoum are happy to see the SPLM/A destroyed by Southern interests. But we are now victorious for we have stopped that disaster. As for our system, there are institutions but not functioning ones. The Leadership Council will not take us anywhere. The era of the Political Military High Command is gone. We must have a modern system of government created by the following committees:
1. Committee for the Army;
2. Committee for the Government;
3. Committee for the Judiciary; and
4. The Parliament.
Justice Ambrose Riny. I greet the Leadership and SPLA officers. In 1994 the Convention created institutions. When I talked about the independence of the Judiciary, many officers reacted against it. It was the intervention of the Chairman who permitted the Committee to complete its work. There have been difficulties and roadblocks by those who did not want a system. There have been difficulties in implementing the resolutions. In 2004, the leadership Council was set up to replace the NLC and NEC. The Leadership Council has no legal base to exist. The Chairman dissolved legally instituted organs of the movement as contained in the national convention of 1994, but unilaterally established illegal institutions which are not supported by any legal provisions of the convention thereof.
I want to say that a lot has been done by a few. Most of the things done are imperfect, but they have served us. I appreciate what has been done on South-South dialogue under the SPLM/A Secretary General. The Chairman was supposed to establish a constitutional committee to draft our constitution. We must come together in a place where all departments are residing; there should be one center for the government of SPLM/A to stop all these rumours.I would like to point out that many members of the movement have lost their ability to sit in an office. I want to point out an incident where a commander told me that what Dr. John or Cdr. Kuol Manyang say ‘up there’ does not work in the South. What kind of a system is this, if it is not respected by its officers? There is no system respected in this movement. I suggest that a committee be formed to organize the army and a conference to inform the world and our supporters that there is no problem from within.
Mama Kezia. I thank both leaders for coming together to discuss all the issues. I was happy with the 1st Vice-Chairman for saying everything in his heart. The rumours outside are bad. Both leaders say it was only a misunderstanding. I appreciate what is happening and I call upon Rev. Clement Janda to bless our conclusion. I agree with the 1st Vice-Chairman that there is something wrong with our system. After the death of the Chairman of my commission, no one has been appointed, and therefore there is no one to report to. For me it took three (3) years to see the leader of the movement. There isn’t a good system. But I think that from now on there will be a system in place.
Cdr. Pieng. Greetings. I will be saying something different; that I have not been happy with our meetings that end without resolutions. I am a revolutionary soldier. I have both military and political interest and if anybody things I don’t have both, he is lying. I am not happy with the response of the Chairman; there are problems to be addressed, and these problems must be solved now.The Chairman has not committed mistakes; for me, they are unintended mistakes, for the Chairman could not create problems for himself. I mentioned that during the time of Kerubino there were problems. There were rumours that the Chairman was going to throw away his SPLM/A cadres and replace them with people who have not been in the movement since its inception. There must be committees to reorganize the movement; I agree with Cdr. Elijah Malok’s call for a system and committees. When the Chairman goes away on a visit, he never leaves anyone to act where officers should report to.
Cdr. David. Greetings. I blame the Chief of the General Staff for having failed to do anything until now. But nothing is too late; I suggest that the army be organized now. First create a General Command for the SPLA, for there is no army without a General Staff.
Cdr. Oyai Deng. I want to add my voice of being happy to participate in this meeting. When the movement started, you were seven (7) and now you are only two (2) remaining. Some said that you conspired against those who died and now you are conspiring against yourselves. I am shocked to hear Cdr. Salva talk here only about Bahr El Ghazal and not the South in general give he is a leader for all. I strongly agree with Cdr. Salva that when the Chairman goes away, he locks the South in his bag. This is wrong. Cdr. Salva has the right to question anything wrong. There is a problem that must be solved by taking the right decisions.
Cdr. Gier Chuang. I understand what is happening; I didn’t believe that Dr. John will sit near Cdr. Salva again today. I am happy to see this conference. Many people have died due to internal differences and I refer to what had happened in the 1991 crisis. There must be resolutions for all issues, which bring about conflicts; there must be committees established, especially for the SPLA. I also pointed out that during the December 2003 meeting in New Site, there were no representatives from the army. What is a government without an army.
Cdr. James Oath. I greet the gathering. When the movement started you were seven (7) and now you are only two (2) – five died having problems with you (Dr. John). Why do you have problems with your colleagues? The leadership has disabled the movement, so why keep it? Why is there a GMC, because it has never met until now? There is no SPLA ready to fight, and for me there is no army to order. If I am ordered to arrest Cdr. Salva, I do not have an army to arrest anyone. Even the Chief of Staff cannot order me to do anything because there is no army. There is no chance to meet the C-in-C – it will take long time to meet him. This is not good, therefore a committee must be formed now to sort everything out.
Cdr. Oboto Mamur. Greetings. The Chairman always had problems with his colleagues. Now you are two (2) and you are turning against yourselves. Chairman you have been lying throughout since 1983. A Chairman should trust his deputies because there is a big problem here. I ask the Chairman whether he has mandated us to judge him? And if so, we will pass our judgment on him now. We don’t want to talk for the sake of talking. There must be a committee to follow up on all the resolutions agreed on here. And I add, the convention will not solve our problems.
Cdr. George J. Deng. This meeting is a good opportunity to talk today in front of other commanders. The reply by Cdr. John to Cdr. Salva is not convincing at all. My suggestion is that a committee must be formed to organize things right away. There is no longer any army. Therefore a committee has to be formed for the agreement to succeed. I view the SPLA as my home; if the leaders want to go then it is up to them.
Cdr. Malong Awan. Everyone is waiting for the outcome of this dispute. Both leaders therefore should solve their differences. If they don’t solve their differences then they should remain inside this room until the crisis is over. Nor should we blame our enemies for the rumours came from ourselves – we should not blame outsiders. For example Ayen Maguat went to talk to Cdr. Salva. Many from Yei volunteered to go to talk to Cdr. Salva. She complained that Cdr. Wani Igga was in Yei but failed to talk to Cdr. Salva. Instead he went to his village. This was not good leadership and I disagree with Cdr. Wani Igga’s position.
Session 4.
Cdr. Santo Ayang. I thank the communities of Bahr El Ghazal, Bor and the committees that went to Yei. Without them things would have got out of hand. The Chairman must tell us the truth about the source of these rumours. All that was circulated was not rumour, and no one was bribed by the enemy. You tell the world that you brought peace to Sudan, but the reality is that peace was brought about by those who fought for it and died. Those around you only please you and do not tell you the truth. I support the formation of committees suggested by Taban Deng Gai.
Cdr. Ayuen Jongror. The conflict is within the leadership. When conflict arises, it must be resolved immediately. The two of you must be in one place and not in Nairobi and Yei. The style of your leadership is causing lots of problems. The GMC Secretariat was supposed to be formed, but since then, nothing has happened. The GMC should meet to discuss the issues of the army and structures of the Movement must be formed before the convention.
Cdr. Elias Wai. There is fire so we need it not to burn further. Cdr. Salva is not convinced. All are not convinced with the reaction of the Chairman towards issues raised by Cdr. Salva Kiir. The Chairman is placing his relatives in key positions including Elijah Malok, too old, for example, to hold the position of Governor of the Central Bank. Note, there might be popular uprising one day and the army will join the public.
Cdr. Jadalla. We are here to solve our problems. Committees should be formed to investigate the rumours. You think you are the founder of this movement, and as such, that you can do what you want without consulting people? The public is not ready for more problems.
Cdr. Patrick Aitang. We are talking about rumours, but what do we do next? The letter alleged to have been written by Equatorians caused serious tensions. Thanks to Cdr. Salva for salvaging the situation. The ball is now in the court of the Chairman and he should come out with the facts leading up to this dispute. The Chairman should be bold and form the necessary structures.
Cdr. Kitchener. The Chairman and Salva should work together until the end of the liberation struggle. We need leadership to lead us. Cdr. Ayual Makol. To achieve our objective, we must be united. If the two leaders of the Movement only agree to disagree, then it will lead to internal warfare. Form a committee to investigate the rumours
Cdr. Dominic Dim. I agree that the Leadership Council should be abolished and the commissions replaced by the NEC. The Chairman has locked the NEC in his boxes. Dr. John’s response to Cdr. Salva was neither good nor sufficient. For me, there is still a problem as people still remain suspicious of the Chairman’s intentions. I reiterate that if the problem in question is not resolved, there will be a bigger problem in the Movement. I suggest that the Chairman be clear on resolving this conflict. We should remember how General Swar El Dahab was forced to take over during the crisis at that time. Cdr. Salva was asked by many people to take over, but he refused to do so. I support the formation of committees to restructure the movement and provide us with collective leadership.
Cdr. Bior Ajang. I thank the previous speakers. Cdr. Salva has the right to blame the Leadership Council. The rumours are no longer rumours, but facts as said by Cdr. Salva. There is a problem and that problem should be solved now. I support the formation of committees. What transpired in Yei was the product of two rumours; 1) the arrest of Salva Kiir, and 2) the dismissal of Cdr. Salva Kiir. Cdr. Salva Kiir gave us the chance and invited us to meet. I thank the bodyguards of Salva for handling the situation very wisely. Dr. John has no powers to dismiss Cdr. Salva because the national Convention elected both of them. I emphasize that rumours do not only originate from Nairobi. Yei is also a source. I support formation of committees.
Cdr. Ismail. We should combat the rumours. It is very unusual for a Deputy Chairman not to have easy access to the Chairman. However, forming committees is another way of avoiding the problem. The explanation of the Chairman hasn’t convinced most of the people nor answered what was raised by Cdr. Salva.
Cdr. Dau Akec Deng. I thank the 1st Vice-Chairman for his stand.
Lt. Col. Mathiang Rok. This meeting has saved the lives of many people in the South. I would like to quote from Francis Mading’s book; “things that are not said divide people”. The Leadership Council has taken the powers of the NLC. People still doubt the Chairman’s comments were satisfactory. There are many ‘huddles’ in the system, e.g. the Leadership Council has taken up the role of the National Convention. Our main concern is how the structures will be made functional. We are here to bring peace and harmony among ourselves. If there is anything, which is not clear, it should be said now!
Cdr. Chagai Atem. These rumours started in 1994 and I was the chief negotiator between the two. Now they are caught red handed again.
Father George Kinga. I greet and thank the leaders. The four leaders are great and must be respected. The issues are institutional ones. I also support the formation of committees.
Mr. Pascal Babindi. I am happy to have the chance of addressing this important and historic meeting. The restructuring we decided on at the Gorok NLC meeting pushed us ahead. I am confident that the reforms that shall soon be made will also push us ahead.
Cdr. Achol Marial. A committee should be formed to investigate into where those rumours originated. I appeal to the leadership to mobilize resources prior to the formation of ministries.
Dr. Komanyangi. The formation of committees shall lead to a final solution to all our problems. I suggest that we give ourselves time for these deliberations to continue for one more day so that all issues are exhausted.
Cdr. Simon Kun Pouch. The speakers have not talked on how to combat corruption. The formation of a committee to work out functions for our structures is not really a priority because they already exist, we need only to share power and prepare job descriptions for all the institutions of the movement.
Cdr. James Kok Ruea. A preparatory committee for the Convention should be formed within the shortest time possible. We should work on the structures that will make the Movement function during the interim period as follows: 1) 1st Vice Chairman to chair the GMC, 2) 2nd Vice Chairman to chair the committee for the interim period and 3) 3rd Vice Chairman to chair the committee for National Convention.
Mr. Muhammad Marjan. I believe that the world is looking forward to knowing what our movement will be like once peace is signed and we emerge as a government.
Cdr. Michael Makuei Lueth. There is no need to form a committee to investigate the rumours, which were circulating, unless Cdr. Salva insists that they have never been rumours. I call upon both the Chairman and Cdr. Salva to build confidence between themselves. I assure the Chairman that as we are entering a new era, and if we remain in an unprepared manner, we will eventually be finished. The immediate establishment of our structures is necessary. The distribution of powers is also necessary. The army must be organized. There is also the importance of speeding up South-South dialogue before we enter the forthcoming era. The other issue is corruption. I am saying that the leadership is not committed to fighting corruption. I am against the suggestion that there should be a committee for the army’s reorganization. It is for the COGS, his deputies, and the directors to sit at the GHQs and issue orders according to the plans they set. The national Liberation members should not blame the Chairman alone. In Gorok, the NLC gave the Chairman a blank cheque to restructure the movement, and that was when things started to go wrong.
DAY 2
Session 1
Opening remarks by the Master of ceremony after prayers noted that the present meeting has come out in the internet; and a warning was given to those who might have done so.
Mr. Kosti Manibe. I want to add my voice to those who have already spoken. I express my appreciation to those concerned for having resorted to peace negotiations and to end the conflict through dialogue. I am happy that the 1991 disaster has been avoided. I acknowledge the existence of gaps in the system and I call upon the leaders to address the communication needs. I stress the need for media to send accurate messages to our people, enemies, etc.. The Movement should have a capacity for communication to deal with the media when required. I point out that a lot has been achieved – 90% of the objectives have been achieved. There are structures, but a lot of work requires to be done.
The JAM’s programme on capacity building should be followed. Functions will be set out. On policy issues, I suggest that a lot remains to be done to build confidence in our system and institutions. I suggest that there is a need to form a small committee to look into the minutes of this meeting and to identify the crucial issues that needs resolutions as soon as possible. Such information should be disseminated.
Cdr. John Luke. I am happy that the rumours have been resolved. The rumours of the dismissal of Cdr. Salva has been on air for a long time. There were other rumours that Cdr. James Wani was going to be replaced by Cdr. Pagan. Some responsible people in the Leadership Council have been quoted as saying that Cdr. Salva, with support from Bona Malual, will make a coup. There has been a problem among members of Leadership Council who have been complaining a lot. There is no system, especially in the office of the Chairman, which is treated as a private entity. The office of a leader must be well organized and staffed properly to do its work.
On the responsibility of leadership, Cdr. Dr. John should not be blamed alone because there are others. The dissolution of the Leadership Council will not mean that a normal system will be established. No proper changes will take place, even if the Leadership Council is dissolved. If Dr. Garang dissolves the Leadership Council, he will appoint the same people in the L.C. There is no need to make changes now until peace is signed. The formation process f or the government needs wide consultation; people should wait for a month until peace is signed.The Chairman is being accused for not implementing decisions. In the army, if you need structures, I see Cdr. Salva as a political figure; so a pure army officer should be appointed as Chief of Staff and Cdr. Salva should be given a Commission. This way, the army should be run by an army officer who is not a politician.
Why is the leadership avoiding South-South dialogue? The Chairman refused to accept dialogue, but claims it after others implemented it. It was Cdr. Salva who supported the Wunlit Peace Conference – but the Chairman was against it. At the recent conference in Nairobi organized by the Kenyan Minister for Planning, the SPLM/A failed to attend because the Chairman had refused to let the SPLM attend. Cdr. James Wani is weak and the Chairman uses him to kill things related to South-South dialogue. The NLC is dead and I suggest that an emergency convention be organized immediately.
Cdr. Marc Nyipouch. Cdr. Marc stated that the rumour that madam Nyandeng was arrested with 3.5 is libel and defamation. He continued to cite the case of General Lagu during the Regional Government. On the issue of Governor Deng Alor, Cdr. Marc said that Cdr. Deng collects money from abroad, banks it with the Chairman’s or his (Deng’s) bank account, and that is why Deng Alor was taken away from the region – just to do that. Something Nhial has failed to do but what Deng is able to do. Deng should either be a Governor of Bahr el Ghazal or be replaced.
Mr. Arthur Akuien. I am being called the Finance Secretary but without any finance. I want to point out that the rumours have been destructive and that the leadership style encourages such rumours. I want to say that the Chairman does not delegate powers to his deputies. The Chairman is responsible for creating this crisis in the movement.
On the structures, there are structures. But the Chairman after appointing someone to a position does not work with him, but he will appoint someone else to do the work, which is wrong. The Chairman creates all these problems within the system, and this is why he is being blamed. I also point out when a senior person tries to discipline a junior, the Chairman always fails to solve the problem among the staff and instead interferes. The leadership style of the Chairman’s work is bad and cannot be corrected. The Chairman has not been doing well in his job and he may be forced to leave his office before six years.
Dr. Justin Yac. The Chairman is good for external contacts but within his own institutions he is not good. The Chairman is good in talking but poor in doing things. The Cdrs. Condemned him the day before and I quote Cdr. Salva who said that “Dr. John does not forget and does not forgive”, and who ever quarreled him ended up dead.
Many people know the Chairman’s abilities and weaknesses for the last twenty-two years. The Chairman can impress people when he talks, but lacks action. The commanders the day before gave the Chairman grade F because he failed to adequately answer the issues raised by Cdr. Salva. The Chairman should not think that he is always right; rather he must admit his mistakes. The Chairman must work with a team and not be a leader of the NLC and Chairman of SPLM. Leadership must be collective.
The officers the other day faced the Chairman with hard facts, but we have not been telling the Chairman the truth. We are also to blame. The Chairman should respond to issues of structures to avoid the recurrence of this problem. The Chairman can listen and write on issues, but he always discards them. The Chairman has been everything ever since the movement started. I call upon the Chairman to work with people and not alone. The Chairman should know that he has been wrong because some of the members have not been telling him the truth. Some leaders should be blamed for not doing their part, for many have not been doing things properly. I repeat what Cdr. Salva said that Dr. John does not forget and forgive. So I want to say that those without guns are vulnerable. The Cdrs. Are secure because they have guns to protect themselves from the Chairman, but I ask, who is going to protect those of us without guns?
I call upon Dr. John to listen to all the demands and that he (the Chairman) should make changes and suitable structures. I also suggest that the Rumbek meeting should come up with resolutions that we support the finalization of the peace agreement now, all should be committed to the peace process.
On the issue of dissolution of the leadership council, there is no difference so no changes are necessary. I urge the Chairman to work closely with his aids. We have sat here because we are part and parcel of the executive and leadership as well. Mr. Chairman, I urge you to treat us equally and remove doubts that there are people you prefer.
Cdr. Elijah Malok. I propose the formation of three (3) committees, and that they remain here in Rumbek to start their work as we may have problems with resources and the committees should finish before December 31st.
Cdr. John Koang Nyuon. I thank the Chairman and his 1st Deputy to have responded positively to our wish to sit, as we are doing now to discuss and resolve issues that create misunderstandings. Rumours always create problems. The availability of Thuraya telephones in abundance is really a problem as some of their users can verbally reveal our secrets for the sake of money or any other reason. The reaction by some officers is appreciated, as they only want the resolution of our outstanding problems.
I suggest the formation of regional committees to organize our army within the coming month since you mentioned that peace is likely to be signed by the end of December. I see this as the immediate priority other than the rest we are now discussing – as other structures already exist. To organize the army is not so difficult.
A clarification was made by 1st Vice Chairman Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit: “What brought us here to meet is the question of the rumours, which have been circulating. As the Chairman read in his messages, we haven’t reached a conclusion, as we have not known from where they emanate. When I went to greet the Chairman it was immediately announced that Cdr. Salva has met with Dr. John and their differences are resolved. The question is how does this news go out? I believe that they are not from my part. The rumours came from Nairobi not from Yei”.
Cdr. Abdelaziz Adam Alhilu. The structures formed during the 1st national convention exist, the only thing is that they are not effective due to meager resources. The lack of adequate resources is the main problem that affects their functioning. Instability is also a factor. A system normally operates when the enemy is inactive.
The establishment of structures at present when peace is not yet signed will also put us in difficulties, so it is important to wait for a conducive atmosphere. I agree with the suggestion for the 2nd national convention to take place as soon as possible. I don’t agree with those who say committees should be formed to organize the army. I see it fit that local committees shoulder such responsibilities provided that resources are made available.
Cdr. Daniel Awet Akot. This is a good opportunity for one to air out what had been said before, As Dr. John and Cdr. Salva put it, that they don’t have personal or political problems – then that is appreciated.
Cdr. Ayuen Alier. If the style of leadership is changed, things will automatically change for the better. The whole issue is our general problem not only the Chairman and his deputies. Our top leaders restricted travel to Nairobi with their officers, but that cannot work. Every-body gets there on his own. There is a necessity that capacity building starts now. Cdr. Ayuen made the additional observation, that the lack of self- confidence is always the cause of our problems, and as for rumours, which have been confusing, I assure you that those who have self-confidence cannot be affected by rumours.The suggestion by Cdr. Elijah Malok that committees be formed and start their work here in Rumbek is supported by me. The delegation for the peace talks should be the only ones to go: let us support peace because it is the requirement for now. Mr. Chairman I end by thanking both of you for having cooled your nerves. Come together to discuss so that we can resolve whatever problems are facing us.
Cdr. Kuol Manyang. I think this meeting is historical and as we enter a new era, we are going to be more united after this meeting. You differ with someone and you reconcile. Differences are natural. A person can easily make a problem between him and another. We have to unite and this is how you can overcome rumours, which confuses the people. Like the recent situation, I was informed through unofficial channels that Cdr. Salva had been removed. I called Cdr. Deng Alor and we were joined by Cdr. Awet and we went to Cdr. Salva and told him that what is being alleged is a lie, and that there was no meeting held concerning this. We then moved to Nairobi where we communicated this issue to Dr. John Garang and that was when this meeting was planned and Cdr. James Kok and Cdr. Nhial were asked to organize transportation to this end.
So I thank both Cdr./Dr. John Garang and Cdr. Salva Kiir for having attended this meeting and permitting us to discuss and come up with decisions that promotes unity and harmony. Differences between Cdr. Salva and Dr. John existed from a long time ago, as Cdr. Chagai mentioned, but there was no decisive steps taken to resolve them until today.As for structures, they are there. The only problem is how to maintain and have them effectively function due to a lack of resources. Our structures have to be operationalized. But the matter is not a question of dissolving other bodies such as the Leadership Council, NLC and so on. I don’t have any objection with the formation of committees, but I only say that reorganization of the army must be the responsibility of COGS and his Deputies. I urge both of you, the Chairman and Cdr. Salva to open a new page in order for us to go forward.
Cdr. Nhial. People should be judged by what they have contributed to the Movement. We should sincerely address our issues. I am absolutely prepared for the proposal to dissolve the Leadership Council and we all see what scenario we can take.
To have structures and institutions you need to have three things; 1) the structure itself, 2) resources, and 3) the people, because its people who run the structures. The resources and the personnel go together. Without having prepared for this, it is now one of the serious problems we face as we enter the forthcoming era.
Cdr. Malik Agar. The current issue of the differences between the Chairman and his deputy is surprising in that I was aware of this even ten years ago. Whenever it is about to be addressed, each of them says there is ‘no problem’. The big problem is trust among yourselves. This needs to be rebuilt and you will be the ones to arrive at sound solutions to the existing problems.Comrade Chairman, as we enter the new era, we shall be competing with other parties. Let us start with the effective establishment of our structures and draw up our programmes. We need a system. I have worked as a Governor for ten (10) years; yet, I could have committed many mistakes during that time. Has the Chairman any day called me to tell me that I have made a mistake? There is no system here.
The issue of reorganizing the army is a burning issue as most of the soldiers are now in an unorganized form and this will work against us. As monitors will verify, we don’t have the army. The distribution of powers is the vital issue to avoid future misunderstandings.
Cdr. Pagan Amum Okech. Comrade Chairman, I will focus on the crucial issue, but before that, I want to tell you this. We are here to discuss the rumours that have been circulating and which almost created a very serious development within the movement’s liberated areas, in Khartoum and among the Diaspora. My advice is to the Southerners who have fought for the last twenty two (22) years. I am first going to concentrate on the recent rumours. Cdr. Gier happened to ring me asking me whether I came across information from Yei that the leadership have met and decided to remove him from the second position. I advised Cdr. Gier not to believe that because it is a rumour, and if it spreads, it will create confusion. He then heeded my advice. Again Cdr. Deng Alor phoned to me on the same issue, but I also told him that these are rumours and Cdr. Salva should not believe such rumours. There had been meetings in Khartoum and there was a public statement made by Uncle Bona Malual and retired General Joseph Lagu. If the enemy succeeds in dividing us, it may lead to our failure and peace may not be achieved.This time is very critical Cdr. Salva and Cdr. Chairman; if we say we will remain here to deal with the rumours only, I think we will be here up to the coming year. I advise both of you to put aside these rumours. Even though we did not defeat the enemy, what we had achieved will make the enemy coincide with what we tell them. At this crucial moment we must think thoroughly of what we should do to enable us go forward. This is my appeal to both of you Cdr. Salva and Cdr. Chairman. There is another rumour now that I want to take the place of Cdr. James Wani Igga. I assure you Cdr. Wani that there is nothing like this at all.The establishment and building of structures at this particular time is vital. Our priority is now to finalize the peace talks. The Chairman and his deputies must go to Nairobi so that we are not considered intransigent because the process can easily be derailed. Concerning the reorganization of the COGS and his deputies, we can do that unless the problem of resources hinders us.
Cdr. James Wani Igga. I congratulate the Chairman for calling this important meeting. I also congratulate Cdr. Salva for having attended this meeting. This paves a way for a solution to our problems. I thank both of you for your patriotic stand since the beginning of the struggle – both of you have collectively worked to protect this movement from upheavals. I consider you as the central pillars of this Movement. Let me come to the main topics, which are the SPLM/A’s major problems. Solving a problem is like bringing pus out from somebody’s gull. Problem No. 1, we are not working as a team, which results in disgruntlement.No. 2, we have the structures formed in the 1994 Convention which were only the NEC & NLC, but by 1998, people became fed up of those structures. I appeal that we keep these structures but make necessary changes. I would like to underline something connected with structure. In 1998 we came out with a constitution named the SPLM constitution. This was not passed by the NLC because they were expecting a state constitution. But we had agreed to use that constitution, and there are structures there. In one of the L.C. meetings we had revised the constitution and even the manifesto. Up to now, we had passed four (4) documents. The SPLM constitution. The SPLM manifesto. The 3rd document is the SPLM policy on dialogue and it concerns how we go about South-South dialogue. Our main constraint in starting South-South dialogue is the lack of money. Documents No. 4, is the SPLM policy on the transformation of Sudan. All these documents are there ready. Comrade Chairman, our constraint in the political Affairs Commission is lack of facilities, but we have really tried our best. As for the army reorganization, if we become surprised by the signing of the peace deal, I think it will be difficult to regroup our army simply because we don’t have resources. Once peace is signed, there is going to be the establishment of standard national structures. Structures are our No. 2 problems, including the official management of office institutions.
Cdr. Wani listed other problems:
No. 3: The existence of a Kitchen Cabinet is deplorable and creates doubts and mistrust.
No. 4: The geographical imbalances found in the movement. If this is not addressed, we will never be in harmony.
No. 5: Poor chain of command.
No. 6: Spread of rumours.
Let’s come to the question of rumours. When rumours were developing I was in Nairobi and I went to Kampala. When I reached Kaya, I was being asked what had happened. I was then told that you are coming from Nairobi and that you met and decided to replace Cdr. Salva with Cdr. Nhial. I told that that this is just rumours and I believe that Cdr. Salva will not believe this. He will immediately throw it out the window.
Problem 7: Lack of implementation of resolutions and the lack of a follow up body. Our resolutions always die on the paper.
Problem 8: Corruption which remains rampant in the Movement. Corruption must be fought for example, some years back the Chairman in a meeting informed us that Cdr. Deng Alor brought some money from Nigeria, but how that money was spent had never been explained to us again. I ask the question where is the transparency and accountability we talked about?
Problem 9: Lack of cooperation, accompanied by sabotage. Some work for the downfall of others without any accountability.
Problem 10: Neglect of the army and its welfare.
Problem 11: Absence of job description, which cause confusion.
Problem 12: Nepotism. It should be fought.
There are two examples to illustrate the issue of nepotism. One is the removal of Aleu Anyeny from his position and his replacement by the Chairman with an officer from his home village. Another is the appointment of Dr. Lual Deng as an advisor to the Chairman. We all heard this in a meeting in which the Chairman announced Lual’s appointment without any official procedures followed. When I talk about regional imbalances, all I need to say is that no Equatorian was even allowed to be a signatory of the six protocols. We are making history and this history should involve all the people of New Sudan. The protocols are only signed by individuals from Bahr el Ghazal, Upper Nile, Nuba Mountains and Funj!
Problem 13: Neglect in the chain of command, which has led to indiscipline.
Cdr. Wani proposed a way forward. I suggest that an investigation committee be appointed by the Chairman to find out the origination of these rumours. Let’s avoid ‘Kitchen Cabinets’ and combat corruption. We need a mechanism to be adopted to fight corruption. Let’s respect the chain of command. Let’s avoid any regional misbalancing. Job descriptions must be effected. South-South dialogue advanced. The convening of the second National convention requires additional money. The reaction of the Chairman to all the listed problems is necessary. As a sign of true reconciliation, they need to warmly greet themselves in front of us here, then follow that up with a joint statement. A traditional ceremony should be carried out by some of the elders here. We take what had happened like a normal wave when in a canoe. Let us reconcile so that we defeat our common enemy.
Cdr. Riek Machar. I was struggling whether to speak or not because of the nature of the issues being raised. When we met as a Leadership Council, there were divergent views. Before that I met Aleu Anyieny and he told me that if you are going to talk to Cdr. Salva, don’t talk about the problems being personal. These problems are administrative. Serious rumours have also been circulating in London when I was there. They talked about a ‘change of the guards’ and the removal and replacement of Cdr. Salva by Cdr. Nhial. I appealed to the participants in that meeting that we should unite since we are entering peace, because if there is a split, the enemy may dishonour the agreement we had already signed. In any case, suppose we sign the peace, the SPLA will be a national army whereas the SPLM will be competing with other political parties. The SPLA must retain an independent national character.
Concerning the structures, I have participated in a workshop on the formation of structures at all levels including the transformation of the SPLM into a political party. These are all being worked out. We are only behind in our military preparations. This doesn’t need a committee to do that. The COGS, his deputies, directors, and local commanders can do that. The army is the most important element to protect the gains of the struggle and as such we need to organize it and take care of them and their families. We all have to participate in calling them to report to their units or camps where they should regroup and organize. Our chiefs are important institutions that can effectively participate in this endeavor.
Another problem we will face is the returnees, which are estimated to be up to 4 million residing in exile for almost fifteen years. They have acquired different attitudes, culture and perspectives. Not only are they in the north, but we have a good number of our people living in various western countries. We will be confronted by all these groups with a series of problems of cultural differences and we must be prepared to integrate these two groups into our civil life and norms.
I believe that unless something happens in Khartoum, the war is over. Unless the enemy causes us to split, the war is over. This requires us to expedite the reorganization of the army. I do not agree with Mathiang Rok about his suggestion that committees be formed to discuss the six (6) signed protocols. In addition, we should be privileged that the UN SG visited Africa to discuss the issue of peace in Sudan – The first time it happened was during the decolonization of Africa – making the achievement of peace highly likely this year.As for South-South dialogue, we can start now. We should be prepared to negotiate with whatever party is ready to dialogue. If we wait until the government is formed, they will be the ones to undermine the GOSS. We must achieve consensus. Let us not delay south-south dialogue. The lack of dialogue can be a source of disunity, but if we handle it properly, it can also be a source of unity and this will allow the people to rally behind the leadership. There is a need to call the NLC as soon as possible to deliberate on the agreement. What I mean is the current NLC. The next convention, which needs to be convened as soon as possible, will elect a new NLC and who will be charged with the responsibility of working on a national constitutional government of south Sudan, etc.. From now, we have agreed that the judiciary be independent.Session 5Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit. Greetings to the Chairman and Madame de Mabior and others in this meeting. We apologize for not allowing you to attend the first meeting, which lasted for two days. The second meeting is composed of SPLM Counties Secretaries, civil society, women groups, the youth, etc.. The decision was deliberate and we did not want the meeting to be talking shop.I have no more to say. The issue which brought us here have been raised and you all have given your concerns. Let us take the line of peace to be the priority. In the absence of peace we must be prepared for war. There had been many Security Council resolutions of the same nature passed like this of Sudan, but have not been implemented, such as the PLO, Western Sahara, etc..I thank those who have exerted efforts to travel from their various locations to Yei where they met me on the situation. As I told you, there were no personal problems, they are administrative given my profession, and I know that rumours are dangerous. Rumours must be treated as rumours, but there is no smoke without fire. I don’t agree with Cdr. Wani that these rumours were created by the enemy. There are people among us who are more dangerous than the enemy. I must warn the Chairman that Nimeiri was made to be unpopular by his security organs.

Those who are misleading you and giving you false security information about others will suffer with you together or leave with you. The government, which is going to be led by you must include all. Without unity, the agreement will be a source of our disunity. We are not organized in all aspects, and as such will be exploited by other political parties that are more organized. The lack in our structures and political guidance will lead us to a very serious political defeat.
Mr. Chairman, you have talked about people eating the boat while we are in the middle of the river. Let me add this; the issue is not eating the boat in the middle of the river. The issue is that there are a few who have already crossed to the other side of the river and when the remaining ones asked them to bring the boat, they refused to return the boat. This is the problem.

DR. JOHN GARANG SPEECH – RUMBEK NOV. 2004

Chairman’s Speech to Rumbek Combined Consultative Meeting

(November 28 – 30, 2004)

  1. 1.     Opening greetings and Minute of Silence

 

  1. 2.     Main Rumours to Dispel: (suddenness and intensity of the rumours)
  • Rumours started with story of Chairman’s wife arrested by UK Police …
  • That Chairman said it is Cdr. Salva Kiir that wrote the letter by Equatorians.
  • That Cdr. Salva Kiir is being dismissed and replaced by Cdr. Nhial Deng.
  • That Cdr. Salva Kiir is being arrested, by so and so and forces being moved …
  • The story that Cdr. Salva is marginalized and his work given to others. This feeling might have developed when Cdr. Salva no longer went for the peace talks and therefore I increasingly worked with Cdr. Nhial and Cdr. Pagan. But we all know how I took over the IGAD talks, as this was during the Officers Conference here in Rumbek. I was reluctant to go to Naivasha as you will recall and people pleaded with me including the Officers Conference.  After that both of us could not be in the talks, and indeed since then Comrade Salva has been doing most of the work in the field as you can see from the very few messages I write.
  • There are many other rumours, but these three are the serious ones around which other issues and rumours are built.
  • Affirm that all these are false [expound convincingly at length].

ü  We have 22 years of togetherness with Cdr. Salva in the SPLM/A, he has been my right hand man even when others were senior to him and up to now and he will continue to be my right hand man into peace and during the interim period … 22 years of togetherness and comradeship cannot be blown away by rumours.

ü  Akon story of June 2003 that out of 7 founding members, we are the only two remaining orphans of former PMHC and that we shall take people across the river.

ü   New Site ritual sacrifices by spiritual leaders last July cannot just be forgotten.

ü  My main preoccupation is to conclude and sign peace by 31/12/2004 as demanded by the UNSC, and there is only one month left, why would I create problems by arresting Cdr. Salva and replacing him with Cdr. Nhial?

ü  It is practically and politically not possible to leapfrog Cdr. Nhial to No.2 as alleged by the rumour mongers, for what are the practical and political implications?

ü  As predicted in our 1983 Manifesto it is the NIF regime [Islamic Fundamentalism] that wants to divide us, block the peace agreement and hijack the Movement, and this must not be allowed.  The fact that both of us, Cdr. Salva Kiir and I are here shows the maturity of our Movement and of our people … As the saying goes the NIF hyena has barked and so it will not eat us again.

ü  I want to end this part by assuring you that Cdr. Salva and I are a Leadership package decreed by 1994 NC, and only a NC can dismiss either of us, and so that I intend to dismiss Cdr. Salva cannot be possibly true, I want you to dismiss this malicious lie.  Cdr. Salva and I are two sides of one coin and so that coin can never be divided; the SPLM/A will never be divided; we are not shakable and the Movement and the coming peace are in safe hands; we will take the people across.

  1. 3.     NIF and Outsiders Meddling in the Affairs of the SPLM/A

 

  • How did these rumours start and who is behind them, the rumours must definitely have been created by someone or some people, and for what purpose? 
  • In my view there were two situations: (a) Situation (A) is that of Cdr. Salva, our 1st Vice Chairman and COGS that we know and that I have known for the last 21 years, and (b) Situation (B) is that created by rumours.  These rumours were not created by Cdr. Salva Kiir, they were created by the NIF regime either directly in some cases or through some of our people who need money, and the purpose is clear; it is to block the peace so that it is not signed by 31/12/2004 as demanded by UNSC Res. 1574.  Situation (A) of Cdr. Salva and situation (B) of the NIF are incompatible and were pulling in different and opposite directions. This is why the situation in Yei did not explode.  At end the Cdr. Salva’s situation took the upper hand and won. And in this context I want to commend Cdr. Salva Kiir for controlling the situation; I commend the officers in Yei; the community leaders that were in Yei or came to Yei; others who went to Yei including members of the SPLM-LC, and finally the role played by Cdr. Pieng and Cdr. Malong in their shuttles.
  • Why does the NIF regime want to block peace?  Because they don’t like the six protocols we have signed; they don’t want the 31/12/2004 deadline and they are looking for excuses not to meet this deadline [Narrate the background as to how the UNSC came to Nairobi, the telephone call of President Bush, etc.].
  • The SPLM/A is the struggle and property of the people of New Sudan (South and three areas and rest of Sudan), and they have paid tremendous sacrifices over the last 22 years and in previous struggles.
  • We must honour the struggle and sacrifices of our people by taking the struggle to its logical and final conclusion to achieve the cardinal objectives of the SPLM/A, i.e., New Sudan and the right of self-determination.   These can only be achieved through conclusion and signing of the peace agreement by 31/12/2004 as demanded by the UNSC, and we must not allow the NIF or any situation to delay or disrupt this process.  Across Southern Sudan and New Sudan and the rest of Sudan people want peace; that is the general cry.  If the NIF regime does not hear this and we in the SPLM will deliver this peace.
  1. 4.     Loss of trust and confidence between Chairman and his 1st Vice Chairman
  • The main talk here is that the Chairman does not share issues with Cdr. Salva, does not consult him often, is not as intimate as before, there are others around the Chairman that pull him away from Cdr. Salva, etc …
  • Assurances that this is not true and that the Chairman has every confidence in Cdr. Salva [Relate incidences, e.g., at Malual Gahoth, when Tiger’s plane crushed, at his village and Akon, sending him to South Africa and what I told him; I do send Comrade Salva on diplomatic mission – Egypt, Libya and Algeria and several times to Ethiopia in recent times, etc.
  • Trust and confidence are intangibles that are built over time.  From my side I have not lost that trust and confidence that I have had in Cdr. Salva since 1983, but if there is doubt as there obviously is given the recent developments in Yei then I want to tell you categorically here that I will work hard to repair that perceived damage.
  • Trust and confidence are even more important now then at any other time before, because unlike in the past we shall not be alone in the post conflict era; there will be other political forces in both South and North and we will compete with some of these parties.  It is our cohesiveness and solidity as a political organization that will enable us to deliver both the New Sudan and the exercise of the right of self-determination and development in general.  This requires the social capital called trust and confidence within the leadership of the SPLM, among the cadres and among the rank-and-file.
  1. 5.     Regarding Problems within the Movement and Internal Reforms.
  • Internal reforms necessary and I have talked about this on many occasions.
  • Internal reforms should not be related to or confused with problems created by the current rumours, since these rumours are baseless
  • I am aware there is general concern among the officer corps and rank-and-file that now that peace is coming the SPLM Leadership, and specifically Dr. John, will abandon the cadres of the Movement and embrace outsiders or new comers instead [Dispel this and give convincing explanations why this is impossible to be entertained by the Leadership or by Dr. John in particular]. Include programs of education and development in the next period and how our cadres fit in.
  • The coming peace agreement will impose new structures and there shall be full decentralization to the States and Counties. This coupled with fairness of distribution of jobs at the level of GOSS and GONU will bring justice to all our people of New Sudan. In general peace will bring us responsibilities in the following: (a) SPLM, (b) SPLA, (c) GOSS, (d) NUBA MTS GOVT, (e) SBN GOVT, (f) ABYEI AEC, (g) GONU, (h) STATE GOVTS IN REST OF NORTH, (i) SPLA National Reserve, and (j) above all a robust, strong and rapidly growing economy to provide jobs & services to our people who have suffered so much.
  • Finally, we must hold our 2nd National Convention as soon as time will allow; we already have the resources to do it, and I here directing the full Convention Organizing Committee to sit immediately and plan and expedite preparations to ensure that the 2nd National Convention is held before the end of March 2005.
  1. 6.     Regarding the Peace Process and Prospects
  • Background to the UNSC Nairobi meeting and SC Resolution (sent to all units) and SPLM-GOS MOU.
  • Negotiations by the Technical Committees started on 26/11/2004, and Ali Osman Taha and I will arrive in Nairobi on 5/12/2004 to finish the process.

ü  Outstanding Issues in Ceasefire and Implementation Modalities Annexes – The Committee of Cdr. Nhial will brief you in detail, but in summary …

ü  Guidance from this consultative conference and from the Leadership Council regarding outstanding issues to complete and sign by 31/12/2004.

  • NIF displeasure and ways of resisting ending the war by 31/12/2004 as demanded by UNSC Resolution 1574, or if they are forced to sign the CPA then they will use the same ways to frustrate implementation. This is not a secret, as the Internet and Khartoum newspapers are full of GOS disquiet and plans of how to destroy the Agreement.  NIF will use the following, and they are actually very advanced in using them: –

ü  GOS-Militias (OAGs) and this is why negotiations are difficult, as the NIF does not want to let go of these militias.  The aim and hope is to create an alternative armed Movement loyal to the NIF in the South.

ü  Use of their Coordinating Council reinforced by disgruntled Southern politicians.  The aim and hope is to create an alternative political force in the South that subservient to the NIF.

ü  The NIF has actually already announced that they will implement the Wealth Sharing Protocol as from 1/1/2005 whether there is an agreement signed with the SPLM/A, or not; they have even said that they will implement it without the SPLM/A.

ü  The NIF aims and hopes to combine the two subservient groups (the OAGs and the political militias) to block signing of the CPA or to frustrate implementation, and to turn the six Protocols into their so-called “Peace from within” and to use the developed situation to fight and eliminate the SPLM/A.  This is the meaning of what Beshir announced. The NIF aims and hopes that Southerners will fight over the 50% of oil revenues in the Wealth Sharing Protocol instead of fighting the NIF regime.

ü  It is generally accepted by Southerners, New Sudanists and Sudanese in general as well as by the Region and international community that no political force other than the SPLM/A can successfully maneuver out of the situation and implement the six Protocols.  The SPLM/A has the vision, the record of struggle and sacrifice (social capital) and the commitment.

ü  We will not shy away from multi-party politics and we will challenge the NCP politically and democratically in the North if they continue to make mistakes by sponsoring south-south conflict.

ü  We shall also compete with and defeat all the fake political parties in the South, and let me assure you that we welcome democracy, political pluralism and elections both in the South and North.

  1. Finally Regarding the Vision, Objectives and Strategies of the SPLM/A
  • We must continue with the objective of New Sudan and the exercise of the right of self-determination.  This vision and strategy is what has reached us this far, and it is what will see us through to final victory.
  • The objective of New Sudan and the right of self-determination are not contradictory; as a matter of fact one cannot achieve the exercise of the right of self-determination except through the method of New Sudan.
  • Those who criticize the New Sudan as being in conflict with the right of self-determination and Southern Sudanese independence fail to tell people their method for achieving the right of self-determination of Southern Sudanese independence.  They end up being either AOGs or political militias to be used or manipulated by the NIF.  Our method has worked and is working and that is why the NIF regime is always angry with us and not with the self-appointed saviours of Southern Sudan, since such convoluted salvation is through the enemy.

Rumbek (Day 2)

Day 2 in Rumbek

  1. A.    Concerning Rumours as the Main Problem
  1. Somebody yesterday quoted Dr. Francis Deng that “what is left unsaid is what divides”.  Let us be sincere about this issue.  The main problem confronting us was not that of structures of the Movement.  Ayendit and her delegation did not travel to Yei because of structures; they went to Yei because of rumours surrounding the dismissal and arrest of Cdr. Salva Kiir and a possible split in the Movement as a result of this.  It is the same with the three communities in Yei and all those who traveled to Yei (Kuol Manyang and Deng Alor, Riek Machar’s group and others concerned).  They went to Yei because of the situation created by rumours.  People in the liberated areas including our soldiers are concerned and are waiting for good news as to whether there is a split in the Movement or not.  This is the same for our people in the Diaspora as well as our adversary.
  1. This is the issue I was addressing yesterday in my statement and that is probably why some of you, especially the GMC members, felt that my response was not sufficient.  I did not address the issue of structures sufficiently because, although it is a problem, it is not what caused the situation in Yei. The connection between the commotion that occurred in Yei would be logical only if the rumours were created so that the issue of structures in the Movement are addressed.  Of course you all know here that this is not the case. I think Cdr. Santo Ayang and others pointed this out yesterday in their own way.
  1. The first problem that we need to dispose of therefore is that of the commotion that was created in Yei as a result of the rumours surrounding the dismissal, replacement and arrest of Cdr. Salva Kiir.  Let us not put this under the rug by letting it be overshadowed by the issue of structures.  Let us satisfy ourselves that these rumours were not true and dismiss them sincerely.  I believe that from my part I addressed this issue of rumours and the associated commotion or misunderstanding sufficiently yesterday and I was sincere about. Some people have asked yesterday for a committee to establish the facts. This is okay, but there would be no need for this if we are all satisfied that there was no such a thing, and in that case what we would need to address is how to address such rumours in the future so that they do not cause similar situations as almost happened in Yei, because the enemy will continue to devise more stratagems to divide us.  Some people like Kosti Manibe talked about some of the remedies to avoid creation of such situations in the future.
  1. As I said yesterday, our people everywhere are concerned about the rumours and commotion created in Yei.  If we are satisfied, as I believe we all are, that this problem of rumours about the dismissal, replacement and arrest of Cdr. Salva Kiir and the resulting commotion in Yei has been resolved then it is important and urgent that we move among our people and units to assure them that there was not such a thing, because that is what people are waiting to hear. Let us also tell our Diaspora and the international community, and this can best be done by holding an international press conference either here in Rumbek or in Nairobi with the four of us.
  2. B.    The Second Problem:  Trust and Confidence.

 

  1. The second issue I talked about yesterday was trust and confidence between me and Cdr. Salva Kiir. I considered this to be the second important issue after the rumours, because as some one put it, existence of a confidence gap provided fertile soil for the rumours to germinate. I talked at length about our long relationship since the Sudanese army and since 1983 and as recently as my visit to Akon in May 2003 and the sacrifice that was made at the Chiefs Conference in New Site, and so on.
  1. I think I addressed this issue sufficiently yesterday, except may be for one issue that of personal contact.  When I first came from the long trip abroad, I informed Cdr. Salva that I had arrived back and that I was visiting the Region (Eritrea, Ethiopia, Uganda and Kenya).  Cdr. Salva wrote to me welcoming me and informing all units that Comrade Chairman had returned back and is resuming his normal duties – a clear indication that he was acting in my absence, and so again it is not true that Cdr. Salva Kiir does not act in my absence, this is automatic; when the head leaves the deputy acts and there is normally no message sent to all units or departments every time the head leaves.
  1. On the issue of telephone contacts, we had a similar impression as Cdr. Salva.  One of my HQ officers, Major Amat Malual, had difficulty going through to the telephone of Cdr. Salva Kiir.  I was actually forced to go through Cdr. Malong Awan – I asked Cdr. Malong Awan twice to tell Cdr. Salva Kiir that I wanted to talk to him by phone and that I was not going through to him.  I was finally able to talk on the phone by arrangement with Cdr. Oyay Deng Ajak. Obviously we need to improve our communications, including having a hotline as someone suggested.
  1. The issues of a Kitchen Cabinet and some people having bought houses abroad are issues that better communications will solve because I obviously don’t have them.  The rents of the four of us here are being paid for by a friendly Government and I don’t believe any of the four of us has a house anywhere, although there are such rumours.  For those who might have houses they will talk for themselves.
  1. There are other issues of concern that were raise by Cdr. Salva on the question of trust and confidence that I should have addressed and touched on this morning by Dr. Justin Yac.  One is that Dr. John does not forgive those who have quarreled with him.  First I want to say that I do not consider that there has been a quarrel between me and Cdr. Salva.  The commotion in Yei was not caused by a quarrel between the two of us, but by rumours which we are now sorting out.  Secondly, it is not true that I do not forgive people. The five members of the first leadership who died were not because I did not forgive them. William Nyuon had come back to the Movement under complete reconciliation, we know how he died. The same thing for Kerubino.  Joseph Oduho also did not die on our side.  Arok Thon died in a plane crush on the Government side.  It is Majier whose circumstances of death are not clear.  But in the peace talks we made it clear that we are for a South African type truth and reconciliation commission.  As to those of Dr. Riek Machar we are already together as you can see him sitting near me. If anything I am criticized for too much reconciliation and too much forgiveness by even some of you in this hall.  So that I do not forgive is untrue.  I am very forgiving and will continue to be.
  1. The second issue that Cdr. Salva raised was guarantees for those who went public on the Internet and who appeared to support the rumours and commotion in Yei.  Again, I want to say that whereas there are those abroad who are writing all sorts of things, this really should not affect us here in the Movement.  We are one and there is no issue of victimization of anybody, as we have understood and satisfied each other regarding the last events in Yei.  These are the assurances we were giving yesterday, and I want to repeat that the issue of victimization of any sort does not arise at all; it will never happen and all those in this hall and Almighty God above are my witnesses.  So, to use Dr. Justin’s story, the concerns of Aguek Atem have no basis at all.  Let us unite more than at any other time before and move forward together.
  1.  I do not have much else to add on the issue of trust and confidence, except to say that trust and confidence are a form of social capital that people build over time – It is personal and there is very little you here can do about it.  However, from my part I want to assure you that I will work tirelessly to invest in trust and confidence between me and Cdr. Salva.
  1. Regarding the Issue of Structures of the Movement
  1. I agree that I did not address it sufficiently yesterday because I did not think it was the main problem.  It is not what caused the commotion or near-explosive situation in Yei.  This is not to say that the issue of structures is not a problem.
  1. The issue of structures is not new.  Second there is no argument that our structures are perfect, and there is nobody who is refusing that we reform our structures.  It is therefore a misrepresentation of the situation for anybody to suggest that the chairman did not reply the points of Cdr. Salva because the points regarding structures are not his. These are our collective problem and our collective responsibility. The issue of suitable structures for a liberation struggle is not easy and all of us have experimented with several structures since 1983. It was not the Chairman alone, but all of us collectively in the Leadership, whether this is the PMHC, the NLC/NEC or the SPLM-LC.  We used unorthodox means because of the unorthodox situation we are in.  Even the position of the COGS that somebody talked about before as being held by the Deputy Chairman is not the traditional organizational form.  This issue came up in the 1994 NC and my guidance was that let us not be catholic about this issue and that remains my position till today.
  1. The structures that we adopted at various times were dictated by changing situations and all of us participated in those changes and in the evolution of those structures.  Of course I am aware that often the credit goes to all and the blame goes to one in person, the Leader of any organization. In 1999 for example we all participated in the resolution passed by the NLC to restructure the Movement; this was not my decision alone. We were simply trying to solve pressing problems to survive.  The SPLM-LC was actually a compromise as some officers were calling for a return to military rule.
  1. Concerning assignments, these have sometimes been dictated by situations, like when Cdr. Salva Kiir was assigned as a Front Commander for BGR while he was Deputy Chairman and COGS.  This was to solve a particular situation in the Region. This is the same for other similar unorthodox assignments to solve similar situations.  These measures may now look wrong in hindsight, but this is how we got to where we are.
  1. Also the problem of a SPLA GHQ has always been with us. The GHQ has actually been there and is there now in Yei, but there are problems that we know which are associated with its functioning.  We need to solve these problems so that the GHQ functions normally.  The D/COGS at times had field assignments but this happens in many guerrilla situations and does not prevent the functioning of guerrilla GHQ.  We can have them at the GHQ and still we would have the same problems as we have in their absence.  Cdr. Peter Wal Athiu has since returned to GHQ and there is no noticeable improvement.  Now as move towards the peace agreement, we need to complete GHQ establishment and have the COGS and his deputies and other staffs in one place to organize the GHQ and the army.
  1. In the SPLA Act, that has been signed into law, the COGS has wide ranging powers which are organic to that office, the issue is using them and improving on the job description.
  1. Finally, the issue of structures in the transition was actually addressed by a large group of more than 150 cadres, and we discussed the issue of transition in the SPLM-LC.  The result was presented to me in a document entitled (______). I made some corrections and it is now under printing and will be presented by the Economic Commission to the LC.
  1. In it proposals of Transition Teams and Committees or Clusters as the document calls them has been made.  [Read some parts] – funding under the CBTF is also under way as the Economic commission is mobilizing resources.  The proposals of Cdr. Taban Deng and others are actually in this document, where we have three clusters:

(a)   SPLM(b)  SPLA and(c)   CANS

  1. These can be immediately formed and start working to effect the transition leading into Interim Period and formation of the GOSS.  Each of them would be under each of the three Vice-Chairmen and all supervised by the Chairman, and all working in one place as a collective leadership (SPLM-LC and Executive) managing the transition.  This is a good document in my view.  The only thing that might need reconsideration in the document is ISCOORT, so that it simply becomes a Secretariat of the SPLM-LC facilitating its work. What we may add is expediting of holding of the NC.

10.  Closing morale paragraph.