Posts Tagged ‘politics’

Dear Lam

Without much ado, I am going straight to the point. I am phrasing my thoughts and feelings to you in this short write up to let you know that you just broke my heart. Why are you staying in Khartoum? Why did you opt to relocate to Khartoum? Did you independently decide or you got compelled by anyone? Did you really weigh the pros and cons? Are you telling me indirectly that you finally quit being a South Sudanese? Why quit? How about the heart, determination and commitment you abandoned your position as Khartoum University lecturer for in 1986? How about SPLM-DC? Don’t tell me you will operate from Khartoum because it’s politically unethical and unacceptable. How about the presidential aspirations you got? How about the people who voted for you in the April 2010 elections? How about the war against corruption you were so passionate about?

By the way, you don’t have to know what I am; you can just consider me a voice of reason.

I know everyone is entitled to live wherever he or she likes so long as he has what it takes to do so, but for an influential intellectual like you, it is such a wrong choice especially at these critical times South Sudan needs radicals, change bringers. In addition to that, leaving Juba for Sudan is in itself an insult to South Sudanese people who sacrificed all they had to free themselves from all kinds of evil acts meted out against them by successive Khartoum governments. You couldn’t move to somewhere else, Lam?

Though I cannot tell exactly the motive behind your “defection” from South Sudan, you probably grew hopeless after President Kiir miserly distributed all the government seats to his corrupt yes-men. He could not even give you the least important position at the ministries like that of a watchman? What’s wrong with Kiir? He is such a mean democratically elected head of state! I condemn the presidency for that anyway, advisors to be specific.

Uncle Lam, your move says a lot. It could mean that you’re a loser; the greatest of all times. Your vision and ambitions just died like that? Your political enemies will now capitalize on it. They will soon begin to prove themselves right by poisoning the heads of the masses that indeed the SPLM-DC party you founded is an armed movement against Kiir’s government. You just gave them a million reasons to break more jaws of SPLM-DC supporters and a trillion reasons to blame any internal armed conflict on you. The accusations labeled against you by pagan Amum which indicated that Khartoum armed a militia group you are affiliated with, shortly after Salva Kiir politically punched you in the face, leaving your nose bleeding in the 2010 elections, will now be considered true.

Your disappearance from the country’s political arena could reveal that you never meant your words, promises, pledges; you never really wanted to make a difference. All you wanted was a position to enrich yourself just like the rest.

Now that you have quit, who will fight the grand corruption in the government that is currently affecting the eight millions? Incidentally, a lot have happened after you left. Arthur Akuein, the former finance minister who seems to know much about the multi-billion dollar scandal came back with a loud bang. Amum took him to court for announcing that he, Akuein, wired $30 million dollars into Amum’s bank account. It was a very interesting case. The high court sped up the whole process and quickly acquitted Amum, prompting Akuein to say a parting shot: “I had written that the money was given to the secretary general of the SPLM, under his leadership. What makes it to be something that has gone to a private account? I have never mentioned it. My document is there. It will be interpreted further by people who understand English.”
Even media houses that reported the corruption allegations were also fined. What a court! What a system!

You must have heard that 75 officials stole billions. Kiir himself said that. 75 top officials?! That means the whole cabinet is rotten. Their names should honorifically begin with the new honorific, “Thief” for example; Thief Honorable Ngor-gutakalthi Deng-gutakaldit will on Friday fly to Dubai to attend a World Business Summit, Thief Honorable Butrus Ajak has launched a 5-year strategic plan……. and so on. See? If the baby country followed the modern international standards of good governance, none of them would run for or hold any government position in the next election, government. So, who would capitalize on that? Isn’t it you?

Lam-dit, you pissed me off when you shamelessly told Victor Lugala in an interview late last year that you did not attend the Independence Day on the 9th of July because no one invited you. Who the hell do you think you are? You wanted to be told to be happy about South Sudan’s biggest day ever? Well, even though Kiir’s government didn’t ask you over as an opposition party, you couldn’t show up at John Garang Memorial park just like any ordinary citizen? Lam please!

What are you afraid of? – Kiir? Why would he harm you? He knows the difference between right and wrong, not to mention the international community that watches every step he makes. Nevertheless, I wouldn’t lie to you that the constitution can protect you because the wrath of the law only applies to the weak and voiceless, and maybe a revolutionary like you. The top dogs have immunized themselves against some articles. They get anything they want at any time. I know those unruly ruthless and almost useless security cartoons assumed the role of a dentist and unnecessarily unofficially brutally removed two teeth of one of your top party’s officials, Onyoti Adigo. Is that the right way to tackle an opposition? But that shouldn’t scare ambitions out of you. In fact, you should emulate Honorable Adigo. He is so tolerant and focused. He has proved that nothing, no one can stop him. And that’s why he is carrying on with his duties as a citizen and as well as an opposition figure who considers fighting the system from within a better option.

Or have you finally realized that you joined politics by mistake, for the wrong reasons; and now is the right time to resume your career – lectureship? If yes, I am begging you to leave Khartoum and come back home and impart your knowledge and skills to South Sudanese students who are currently facing educational starvation in various universities as fake lecturers fool them. If you don’t want to be close to president Kiir and Amum in Juba, please teach somewhere in John Garang University of Science and Technology in Bor. Oops! Bor is so close to Juba. Just teach in Malakal or Wau.

World Bank responds to Sudan Tribune’s story

May 7, 2012 (WASHINGTON) – The World Bank on Monday issued a response to Sudan Tribune’s story published yesterday.

The World Bank has been working actively in South Sudan since 2005 to provide early assistance, given its urgent development needs. As part of our support, the Bank provides technical and economic analysis to the government, and recently provided an assessment of the economic situation as requested by the Government of South Sudan.

Your story yesterday misrepresents the nature and content of the dialogue between the World Bank and the Government and development partners. The World Bank is deeply concerned with the economic and development impact of the unresolved oil issues and how this will affect the people of both South Sudan and Sudan, particularly the most vulnerable.

The ongoing dialogue between the World Bank and South Sudan focuses on positive steps that can be taken to manage the different economic scenarios arising out of its oil dispute with Sudan.

The World Bank Group will continue to work closely with both South Sudan and Sudan to support the countries through their economic difficulties, focusing on economic resilience, protection of vulnerable people from economic hardship, as well as longer term development needs.

Given the desperate living situation being faced by people in both Sudan and South Sudan, the World Bank’s economic analysis unambiguously shows that it is in the interests of both countries to resume talks urgently and resolve their ongoing dispute over oil payments and other issues peacefully.

Lillian Foo

Communications Officer,

Africa Region

The World Bank Group

+1 (202) 458.7726,42527

Syerramia Willoughby

LSE’s Matthew Le Riche is in Rubkona in South Sudan, which was under attack by Sudanese forces on Monday. He sent this report of the situation in the town. You may find some of the photos accompanying the report distressing.

Early on Monday morning, at least two Sudanese military jet fighters attacked the market in Rubkona near Bentiu, 80 kilometres from Heglig, depending on where you place the border it remains well inside South Sudan. At least one civilian, a young boy, was killed by one of two direct hits on the small shelter in which he was hiding. Other munitions hit a fuel store nearby and others fell into the river near the market, not far from the only bridge in the area.

Deputy Minister of Defence, Dr. Majak Agoot and Unity State Governor Taban Deng Gai surveying the aftermath of the attack in Rubkona Market. They paused where the young boy had died and said a prayer.

This blatant attack on civilians occured just days after the South Sudanese army agreed to withdraw from the disputed Heglig area in a ceasefire agreement compelled solely by international diplomatic pressure.

The Sudanese Armed Forces have once again launched an assault on civilians inside South Sudan. Reliable sources also indicated that throughout Sunday and at the same time as the jets attacked the market in Rubkona, a series of attacks upon South Sudanese army border defenses were repulsed.

Sudanese aircraft

Capturing and holding Heglig from the Sudanese army earlier this month came after a long string of similar indiscriminate attacks just as those experienced this morning by civilians in Rubkona. The South Sudanese army Chief of General Staff James Hoth Mai, Deputy Minister of Defence Majak Agoot and other leaders have all indicated that the original move into Heglig was for the purpose of preventing attacks by Sudanese forces on the people of South Sudan, what they clearly understand as an act of self-defence. In an interview General Mai indicated that ‘Khartoum has been using Heglig to terrorise our people, to attack our people, using proxy war with militias in the South … they attack us and then they run to Heglig.’

A casualty of the Sudanese attack on Rubkona

The capture of Heglig by the SPLA revealed Sudanese Armed Forces unwilling to fight for Bashir. Rather than stand and fight, the forces fled leaving equipment and arms behind for the SPLA to capture. This was made clear in video footage of the event acquired from the South Sudanese military.

The withdrawal, due to international pressure and efforts at conciliation on the part of the government of South Sudan, seems to have done little but to embolden President Bashir to continue attacking the South Sudanese, likely a part of a bid to cling to power in Khartoum.  Bashir and northern Sudanese forces are thus continuing to target civilians using high tech tools of war as the needless death of a young boy on Monday morning made so tragically clear.

Africa’s Free Press Problem

Posted: April 16, 2012 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Africa
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AS Africa’s economies grow, an insidious attack on press freedom is under way. Independent African journalists covering the continent’s development are now frequently persecuted for critical reporting on the misuse of public finances, corruption and the activities of foreign investors.

Why this disturbing trend? In the West, cynicism about African democracy has led governments to narrow their development priorities to poverty reduction and stability; individual liberties like press freedom have dropped off the agenda, making it easier for authoritarian rulers to go after journalists more aggressively. In the 1990s, leaders like Paul Kagame of Rwanda and Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia were praised by the West as political and social reformers. Today, the West extols these men for achieving growth and maintaining stability, which they do largely with a nearly absolute grip over all national institutions and the press.

Then there’s the influence of China, which surpassed the West as Africa’s largest trading partner in 2009. Ever since, China has been deepening technical and media ties with African governments to counter the kind of critical press coverage that both parties demonize as neocolonialist.

In January, Beijing issued a white paper calling for accelerated expansion of China’s news media abroad and the deployment of a press corps of 100,000 around the world, particularly in priority regions like Africa. In the last few months alone, China established its first TV news hub in Kenya and a print publication in South Africa. The state-run Xinhua news agency already operates more than 20 bureaus in Africa. More than 200 African government press officers received Chinese training between 2004 and 2011 in order to produce what the Communist Party propaganda chief, Li Changchun, called “truthful” coverage of development fueled by China’s activities.

China and African governments tend to agree that the press should focus on collective achievements and mobilize public support for the state, rather than report on divisive issues or so-called negative news.

Nowhere is this more apparent than in Ethiopia, which remains one of the West’s foremost recipients of development assistance and whose largest trading partner and main source of foreign investment is China. The prisons in Ethiopia, like those in China, are now filled with journalists and dissidents, and critical Web sites are blocked.

This is particularly troubling in Ethiopia, a country where investigative journalism once saved countless lives. In the 1980s, the tyrannical president Mengistu Haile Mariam denied that a famine was happening in Ethiopia, even as it deepened. The world did not move to assist millions of starving Ethiopians until international journalists broke the dictator’s stranglehold on information.

Nearly three decades later, Ethiopia is still mired in a cycle of humanitarian crises and conflicts. But today, journalists are denied independent access to sensitive areas and risk up to 20 years in prison if they report about opposition groups designated by the government as terrorists. “We are not supposed to take pictures of obviously malnourished kids,” an Ethiopia-based reporter recently told me. “We are effectively prevented from going to areas and health facilities where severely malnourished kids are, or are being treated.”

This silencing in turn frustrates the ability of aid groups to quickly mobilize funds when help is needed. And with civil society, the political opposition and the press severely restricted, there is hardly any domestic scrutiny over how the government uses billions of dollars of international assistance from Western governments.

Rwanda is another worrisome case. The volume of trade between Rwanda and China increased fivefold between 2005 and 2009. During the same period, the government has eviscerated virtually all critical press and opposition and has begun filtering Rwandan dissident news Web sites based abroad.

As powerful political and economic interests tied to China’s investments seek to stamp out independent reporting, a free African press is needed more than ever, as a key institution of development, a consumer watchdog and a way for the public to contextualize official statistics about joblessness, inflation and other social and economic concerns. But support for the press, in order to be effective, will have to mean more than just supporting journalism training and publishing capacity; if such efforts are to succeed, they must be integrated into a wider strategy of political and media reforms.

South Sudan Tribal in the Capital city: Culprits Captured

by  Joseph Edward    March 08, 2012

The people behind Komiru insecurity that sparks on the 3rd and continued for three days were captured as investigation is underway, the Deputy Minister of Interior in the National Government Salva Mathok disclosed to the e National Legislative Assembly. Among the captured culprits is Corporal Thon Chol Kot and Sgt. Louis Benjamin Wani whose ID card CA. 0284 felt down in the battle block of 107 in Gudele.

Mathok said that the arrest of the two soldiers who were identified to be from Sudan People Liberation Army has indicated that some individuals within the National forces are involved in fueling the crisis and claimed lives of innocent civilians in Komiru village.

Mathok said Thon Chol Kot was captured with ak47 rifle number 1-332117337 he said that some individuals’ names are reported including Members of the National parliament, but he noted that all the reports will be determined by the ongoing investigation.

He said that apart from block 107 and Kemiru incidents on the Sunday 4th march 2012 a police CID Sgt. James Ali shot dead military intelligence officer 1st Lt. Zakaria Malok in Kotor area and run away till now not captured. And that on sixth march 2012 morning a group appeared in Gudele area and Jabel Dinka using Toyota pickup (white) and armed some with old police uniforms and others civilians. They shot and burned the houses; one car was later identified as a CDF car which was given to Mps in 2009.

“For all this crisis the ministry interior and ministry of National security have mobilized all forces, resources and put them under central Equatoria command to uses them to contain this security situation” Mathok reiterated. He said that on the seventh there were groups of people moving with motor cycles and cars inside the town shooting randomly and run away leaving citizens of town with panic.

Mathok continued that the area of block 107 was negotiated by settlers with Bari community and it was given. And that it was surveyed and allotment was mandated people built their houses. Later again a given group of the Bari community went to Juba county commissioner and area was denounced again to be demolished. And that it was the main cause of the Komiru clashes which claimed lives of innocent people of the women and children became the victims of situation.

The deputy Minister of Interior said that the issue it’s not between Bari community with other communities in Komiru and 107 was a confusion made by individual and wrong elements that entered to use it to achieve their dirty policies. He said that the use of land is Central Equatoria State is causing insecurity in state. He said that not all Bari People poses land because some of Bari citizens sleep under trees no land for them.

 “We are working had to trace all the criminals and make sure that they are arrested and face justice” Mathok was quoted. He said that the Ministry of Interior and National Security is addressing the issue of soldiers who are subjected to eviction while defending the Nation. He said that other states has offered land to the soldiers and urged the Government of the CES to allocate land to the organized forces.

He encourage the idea of the Parliament for Summoning the Ministers and Government of CES to address in the Issues in the National Parliament he said there are committees in the august house for particular specialization which are to exhaust any issue before presenting to the Assembly for deliberation

He said that on 4th of March, 2012 Sunday at around 12:00hrs mid-night some residents on block 107 of Muniki move into areas of Komiru and Joba and warning with threats to fight if their houses are to be demolished. He said that Saturday  3th on march 2012 when  he minster got the reports of the demolition with threats he gave advice to the start authorities to stop this until Monday 5th of march 2012 to be finalized  to avoid causing insecurity  at the end, that it need to be addressed peacefully.

He said that in the morning of Sunday 4th march 2012 a group came from the side of Komiru and attacked the settlers that result in the wounding a small child which died in juba teaching hospital on 5th march 2012. In the same day Komiru village burned down and it was believed to be settlers from act as revenge all to be determined by investigation.

And that on the 5th of March, 2012 a group came in the morning and attacked the settlers in the same area and fight took place. Our forces in the area were reinforced and when they followed the attackers they found bodies on the ground 8 bodies in number two small children, three women, three men. This include 9 others with guns wounds, the dead bodies and wounded were taken to juba teaching hospital and case reported to western police station

South Sudan tribal Crisis: Parliament breaks apart

By Joseph Edward 
The Komiru insecurity that sparks on the 3rd and continued for three days has made the MPs in the National Assembly to break in to tribal bases. A motion tabled table by Hon. Paul Yoani Bonju last week to Assembly has sparked chaos among Parliamentarians, as the Mps looked at the Komiru incident on tribal bases, the Mps were expressing emotions on support of their communities instead of the focusing for immediate solution, the Speaker of the Assembly James Wani Igga urged the Governor of Central Equatoria State, the Defense and the Interior Ministers in the National Government, the Commissioner of Juba County and the state Minister of the Physical infrastructure in Central Equatoria to appear to the Parliament on 12th to answer question on land management and insecurity in Komiru.

Hon. David Okuara appealed to the Mps to discuss the matter on national responsibility not on emotions or tribal base. He urged the MPs to come with immediate solution to resolve and put an end to the Komiru crisis. “We must make sure that investigation is carried out and culprits are trialed” David told the Parliament. And he asked the Parliament to give time for the Ministry of Interior to carry out the investigation. Other Mps said refused that Komiru crisis is not a National concern.

The motion called for continues demolition exercise as planed not only in Komiru area, but in any shanty area within the state territory to root out the squatters and the has urged immediate support to the bereaved families, whose houses or properties are burnt including those forcefully displaced by the accident. The Mps also requested the Government of the Central Equatoria state (CES) and the National Government to conduct immediate and thoroughly investigation surrounding the incident and bring the culprits to book without any compromise.

The motion urged Ministers of Defense, Interior and Governor of Central Equatoria State to update the Assembly on the causes of the surrounding incident. “The Komiru incident has made our enemies to laugh at us, but will prove them that Juba town and its entire indigenous inhabitants would not be part of those who believe in violence as a means of solving problems” Bonju was quoted.

The incident has claimed lives of eight civilians namely Mr. Charles Philip Abraham Batista, Martha Alexander, Rose Nene Alexander, Georgy Alexander, Lili Wausk Alexander Tereza Ikoya and one deceased who was burned and has become difficult to identify and wounded three people namely Mrs. Poni Lukak Legge, Sabry Alexander, Agrey Kiri Yontana Lako. According to the motion five locals of Komiru were put on gun points, among them are James Loro, Mathew Sokiri, Lodule Andrea Keri and the two people still go missing his/her names are not identified and an old woman Mrs. Poru Tungun Jurkin.

“The beginning of the land grabbing crisis in Komiru on the 3rd March, following an announcement made by the Chairperson of the demolition committee Central Equatoria State that the area was going to be demolished as part of reorganization of Juba town depicts a true view of a modern Capital. Hence on receiving the information, some elements within South Sudan security organs went on rampage harassing the local inhabitants by making road block barring away the local men of Komiru from entering the area and they only allowed women to enter. Around 10:00 Mp the same security group entered the area and started shooting at random causing havoc to the indigenous burning five houses to ashes” Bonju stated.

The motion stated that on 4th during morning hours the same group entered the area and started shooting randomly injuring t civilians and burning down the rest houses, the Mps said that security organs turned to kill the local population instead of harassing the demolition committee. According to the motion the victims of the incidents are mostly women and children as men were blocked from entering that area. Among the deaths, two were children, three women and three men.

The Mps also questioned the Government over security people who carry weapons on their hands. They said that Government should come with strategies whereby all weapons are kept in the warehouses and urged the Government to allocate land to the organized forces, the Mps further urged the Ministry of interior to immediately intervene to the Komiru crisis, as Central Equatoria state lack enough police to manage the capital city.

The Deputy speaker Hon. Daniel Awet urged the citizens to treat the incident as criminal case not tribal clashes. He requested the Parliament to enact laws that govern all resources of the country. He urged complete demarcation of Juba town and accused the responsible people in the Government of keeping guns in their houses. He said some people with high ranks have armed guards who are carry guns. He said that some time the body guards use the guns for different things. And he said that eighty percent of the organized forces are illiterate. He urged the people not to condemn the army, but correct them.

Meanwhile Hon. Henry Dilang Odwar blamed to the Government of been silent over the three days deadly clashes in Komiru. He accused the Mps of believing in tribalism. He said that even MPs have involved in land grabbing in Juba. And Hon. Joy Kwaje said that those people involved in the Komiru killings are criminals show the state tolerate criminal ruling. At that side Mary Kiden who closed that motion urged continues demolition. Land grabbing and cattle rustling are the most issues in South Sudan which claimed over thousands of lives since the Signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. In 2010, 600 cases were reported to South Sudan court and 30% percent of the cases were handled. Beside land grabbing in some people who are not inhabitants of Juba County have involved in illegal selling land, residents in Gudele complained.

Land dispute leaves over five people dead in South Sudan’s capital, Juba

March 6, 2012 (JUBA) – More than five people have been killed and more wounded over a land dispute in Juba. The incident pushed President Salva Kiir to deploy security forces to stop the violence and maintain security and calm in the South Sudan’s capital.

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Recruits for the Southern Sudan Police Service (SSPS) perform a training exercise at their academy in Rajaf, South Sudan, 7 October 2010 (UN)

The clashes erupted over two days, on Sunday and Monday, between members of the Bari community and non-Bari, particularly the Dinka and Nuer inhabitants in the capital, north of Munuki area.

Authorities say the fighting erupted when a group of armed men believed to be from the Bari community came in a pickup truck and attacked people from an area called Kamiru which is predominantly inhabited by Dinka and Nuer, accusing them of stealing their land.

This came after an argument on Sunday involving members from the Bari community, although other sources claimed that they were land officers from Central Equatoria state, and members from Nuer and Dinka communities over ownership of some plots of land in the area.

The attackers opened fire and killed a man and a child before driving off, prompting some of the inhabitants to react by attacking the homes in the neighbourhood which they suspected of belonging to the Bari community. A number of houses were burnt down, leaving at least 8 people dead.

On Tuesday, relatives of the deceased carried the dead bodies to the South Sudan’s parliament and criticised the government for not responding to the incident which involved the use of firearms.

However, heavy deployment of military police around the area was witnessed by Sudan Tribunereporters on Monday.

The commissioner of Juba County, Peter Ladu Gore, while addressing the mourners on Tuesday, said the incident will be dealt with by the national government.

Speaking to the press shortly after briefing President Salva Kiir Mayardit on Tuesday about the incidents, Interior Minister Alison Manani Magaya, said Kiir had appreciated steps taken by his ministry to address the issue but directed security organisations to maintain law and order while urging the parties involving the conflict to restrain from violence.

“The police and security forces have been deployed to the site. They are in control of the situation” Magaya told reporters, while admitting that five people had been killed and 3 others had sustained serious injuries.

Magaya denied reports claiming that seven people were killed in the clash. “This is very unfortunate incident but it is not true that seven people have been killed. Our reports indicate 4 lives have been lost,” Magaya explained. Independent sources told Sudan Tribune that actually at least ten people were killed during the clashes.

Governor of Central Equatoria state, Clement Wani Konga, at the same press briefing announced that the demolition in Block 107 is suspended for a special arrangement to be carried out to relocate those who will be affected by the exercise to a new site. He called for calm and people to refrain from taking revenge between the communities.

He explained to the press that the clashes in Gudele and Kamiru village came as a result of a land dispute between some individuals of Bari community of Kamiru Village, and some soldiers displaced from New Site.

“Let us not politicise this issue. This is an administrative matter. We appeal to our people to understand our position and respond. We have stopped the demolition exercise. It will not continue,” announced Governor Konga

The incident sparked serious on air discussions on South Sudan radio on Monday and Tuesday with accusations and counter-accusations between the rival communities.

Land conflicts over Juba city has been going on for several years since the establishment of the government of South Sudan in 2005. Members of the host community, the Bari, have been since accusing inhabitants from other states of grabbing their land. They also accused them of not following the legal procedures of acquiring land through the Central Equatoria state’s ministry of physical infrastructure.

However, non-Bari residents also accuse Bari community of not behaving as if Juba is the federal capital for all South Sudanese, but treating others like aliens. They also say the state authority is deliberately refusing to process applications from citizens coming from Greater Bahr el Ghazal and Greater Upper Nile regions.

They also accuse them of allegedly targeting and demolishing homes of non-Bari which are well built, with concrete materials, when carrying out road surveys.

Bari chiefs who claim that land belongs to the community are also criticised for allocating lands and selling them to non-Bari residents only to renege on the agreements and reclaim the territory as stolen land.

The national government of South Sudan last year resolved to relocate the federal capital to Ramciel in the centre of the country, saying Juba will not unite the people of South Sudan as their national capital.

The decision to maintain Juba as the capital during the six year interim period came when a group of Bari elders and intellectuals met with the late SPLM leader, John Garang, in Nairobi before the signing of the CPA and protested against the then plan by the SPLM to move the capital to Ramciel.

The latest incident in the capital is the deadliest land dispute since 2005. Non-Bari members from other regions over the FM talk shows accused the Bari of allegedly being agitated by Khartoum to initiate insecurity in the capital as part of its agenda to destabilise South Sudan, an allegation denied by the Bari.

A member of South Sudan’s parliament, Tongun Ladu, who represents the Munuki constituency where the incident took place, was accused by the residents of inciting the violence against non-Bari at the site.

Ladu denied the accusations, saying that he just recovered from illness and could not have been involved in the violence.

However, the Bari chief in the area, who allegedly sold the plots to the non-Bari and later on reclaimed them, was reportedly arrested by the authorities.

On Tuesday, a group of people from Central Equatoria state protested in the streets of Juba and matched to the South Sudan’s parliament singing the slogans “we shall never surrender” while displaying their dead in front of the parliament building.


Sudan, South Sudan Talks Continue Despite Tensions
Voice of America (blog)
Talks continue between Sudan and South Sudan as they try to resolve simmering disputes over oil, borders, and citizenship issues. A VOA correspondent at the scene, in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, says the talks are focusing on border issues, 
Lomira grad works with Doctors Without Borders in Sudan
Fond du Lac Reporter
Dr. Rebecca Posthuma, a Fond du Lac County native, front center, and a midwife she was working with as part of a Doctors Without Borders initiative, Aerlyn Pfeil, right, interact with traditional birthing attendants in Aweil, South Sudan.
South Sudan tribal Crisis: Parliament breaks apart
Hence on receiving the information, some elements within South Sudan security organs went on rampage harassing the local inhabitants by making road block barring away the local men of Komiru from entering the area and they only allowed women to enter.

Juba British Council Honours Actors
By Charles Buth Diu, 7 March 2012 Mr. Anthony (Tony) Calder bank, Director of the British Council in South Sudan and his wife Madame Roberta, organized a pleasant luncheon few days ago for members of the South Sudan Theatre Company who are to be hosted 

January 4, 2012

Ghazi Salah al-Din al-Atabani – senior Sudanese politician and Presidential advisor

17th December 2011 – School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) – London


Since independence, the quest for a modern state has remained a central issue in Sudanese, and indeed African, politics. In Sudan, the conflict in the South has further compounded the efforts to realize independence and form a stable and functional state. It is to be recalled that, pursuant to colonial policy, Southern Sudan was screened off from the North, which resulted in the South developing, not only a different identity, but also a hostile attitude towards the North. This was to be the most important defining element of Sudanese politics from Independence till Secession.

The South has seceded, yet many of the problems of the past are lingering. The physical absence of the South has, however, produced new circumstances allowing for a fresh approach to deal with the problems facing the country. Although the issue of the South would no longer dominate the political stage, the quest for state-building will continue, albeit with new dynamics. As before, issues such as governance, economy and identity will have to be discussed, but without the long shadows the South used to cast on them.

The next twelve months are critical, because, a) this is the period during which a permanent constitution will have to be drafted; and b) the referendum on the administrative status of Darfur will be conducted.

Secession of the South means not only that Sudan has lost one fifth of its land mass and one third of its population, but also that its geopolitics has changed. Despite these sacrifices, the most important goal, i.e., peace, has not been achieved and the two nations created by the partition are teetering on the verge of war. However, there is still hope among Sudanese that the future would witness an end to the civil-military cycle that has dominated politics since independence; that the issues of governance, power-sharing and socio-economic development would be addressed with a more consensual attitude; and that a new and more enduring constitution would be in place.

To achieve these objectives, a revamp of the system is needed. A better word is political reform. But political reform and war, like the one being fomented in southern Kordofan and southern Blue Nile, cannot coexist. Nor will the policy of isolating and penalizing Sudan be conducive to a successful political transformation. It is therefore essential to address these specific challenges when visualizing the future Sudan.

Sudan has often been described as a microcosm of Africa, implying that developments in Sudan have a tendency to echo in the rest of Africa. The impact of secession on Africa is yet to be seen, but it is prudent to assume that it will have a lasting impact. Sudan, it appears, is destined to continue being an agent of change in the continent, even after having lost the South which in the past has served as an important nexus with sub-Saharan Africa.

The following is a summary of the main challenges and prospects that will shape the future of the Sudan.

Dealing with the Legacy of the CPA

Although the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) has formally ended by the creation of Southern Sudan, its aftermath looms large. A number of issues remain unresolved, chief among which are Abyei and the situation in southern Kordofan and southern Blue Nile. It is important to recall that all of the twelve post-Secession issues listed in the Referendum Law are still unsettled.

Abyei should have been settled through a referendum that was to be conducted before that of Southern Sudan. It remains an issue to be peacefully resolved without prejudice to the rights of any of the population groups in Abyei. The problem arises each time a definition of residency in Abyei is suggested. The SPLA is insisting on a narrow, ethnically-based definition that excludes all non-Dinkas. It remains to be seen what the ongoing negotiations in Ethiopia will produce, but it must be stressed that Abyei is a territorial dispute that cannot be solved by excluding any of its residents.

The situation in southern Blue Nile would not have erupted had the CPA been fully implemented and the SPLA forces deployed below the 1956 borders. A political solution is possible if it complies with constitutional requirements that permit all parties and individuals to pursue their political agendas through peaceful means. The SPLA should not form a political party and keep a standing army at the same time as this would only legitimize armed insurrection and heighten the risk of civil war.

Darfur can also be seen as part of the legacy of the conflict in the South. All the requirements for a peaceful end to the problem of Darfur are present. There is the Doha Agreement, which offers a comprehensive formulation addressing all elements of the issue. More importantly, the regional situation, after the downfall of Gaddafi and the rapprochement with Chad and Central African Republic, is in favour of a peaceful settlement. What remains to be done is the honest implementation of the Doha Agreement, which would be the most effective strategy to curb all attempts at keeping the conflict alive.

Perhaps the most serious consequence to the CPA is the economic difficulty facing Sudan after it has lost at least one third of its revenue. How this will play out will depend on the economic performance of the newly-formed broad-based government.

The Drafting of a Permanent Constitution

The most urgent task for the newly formed broad-based government is to craftan agreement on an all-inclusive national constitutional commission. The fact that the broad-based government itself took five months to be finally launched (a rather lengthy incubation period) underscores the delicacy of the job.

In the last seven years since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), the political scene has changed considerably as political parties became involved in a revolving-door game. Enemies of the past have become friends of the present, and vice versa. It is for this reason that political inclusion will be intricate and time-consuming, given the many factors to consider and parties to reconcile when forming a commission with such a momentous task.

The task will be critical and difficult. There is a well-established tendency in Sudanese politics to reject government proposals without giving them due objective consideration. The statement by Al Azhari on the Legislative Assembly proposed by the colonial authorities in 1948 in which he declared that the National Unionist Party “would reject it even if it were flawless” is a statement that is much celebrated and frequently quoted; and similar statements are being made now. It is important therefore to preempt the spoilers by making the efforts to form the commission as credible as they can be.

Formation of the commission will not be the end of difficulties. Considering the range of issues at stake, the more demanding challenge will be the setting of agenda. A commission whose composition echoes the diversity of Sudan will have equally diverse issues to reflect upon.

Some recurring issues like identity and religion will undoubtedly dominate the discussion, but will prove less difficult to resolve than when the south was an integral part of the political make-up. An acceptable agreement on these issues can be concluded if the debate were to focus on the desired contents and eschew wrangling over terminology.

While discussants might show ardour when debating these controversial issues, their real interest would be directed to items on the agenda, such as the system of government, federalism, electoral system, and socio-economic issues.

Addressing the question of which electoral system to adopt would be one of the important items on the table. There is wide agreement on the inadequacies of the winner-take-all parliamentary system that predominated in the multi-party eras and up to the 1986 elections. Much reform has taken place since. Now, there is a mixed system (direct and proportional representation) that dedicates 25% of parliament seats to women. Some suggest that an amendment should be made to allocate a similar percentage to the youth. There are even demands that the direct constituencies at the federal level should be scrapped in favour of a system purely based on proportional representation. It is reassuring to note that there are no ideological arguments behind the choices favoured by the different parties on most of these issues. It is utility rather than ideology that will decide the outcome of such debate.

The Westminster, winner-take-all system, has not been without its merits: it was simple and direct; election was a one-time event; uneducated and illiterate individuals had no difficulty understanding the voting procedure; and the deputies remained attached to their constituencies and attended to their needs. It was a system that weakened partisanship and accentuated the human bonds between the candidates and the constituents.

However, it has one major disadvantage: the winner monopolizes the exercise of power. This posed no problems in the period immediately after independence, when elections were essentially a contest between two parties. One party occupied government seats, the other occupied opposition seats, and positions were frequently swapped by the next elections. But when in 1986, the National Islamic Front rose to a significant third force, it held the balance of power, leading to a succession of events that exposed an inherent instability in the system.

Moreover, the winner-take-all system is seen by some as favouring the creation of an exclusive power club in which minorities and smaller parties could barely gain access to or share power.

While there is no doubt that the present mixed system is fairer, it is, on the other hand, more complex. For example, in the last elections in 2010 the voters had to mark eight cards, a complication that is likely to turn away voters. Another problem lies in the possibility of electing the president from one party and the parliamentary majority from another. With no experience in French-style “cohabitation”, this may lead to a political impasse and cause instability.

The system of government, whether presidential, parliamentary or mixed, is being widely debated. The type of federalism, in light of the evaluation of the current federal experience will be an important item for discussion, especially to those who espouse a more decentralized state. There is a counter argument held by a significant minority that too much devolution of power to the states would mean that they are left to their own devices with the possibility of some of the poorer states defaulting on their responsibilities.

Laying the Foundations for a Robust National Unity

The execution of the above two steps should go a long way towards reinforcing national unity. Indeed, national unity, or the lack of it, has been the single most important factor in the recorded history of the Sudan on which regimes stood or fell. This was true when the army of Mohammad Ali of Egypt marched into the country to fire a bullet of mercy into the moribund Black Sultanate. It can also be seen when the joint Anglo-Egyptian troops under the leadership of Lord Kitchener moved towards Omdurman, and the Mahdist state was gasping a final breath as a result of internal strife that had completely sapped the energy of the government of Alkhalifa Abdullahi, the successor of the Mahdi. Even the secession of Southern Sudan can be seen as a failure in attaining national unity.

It is incumbent upon the majority party, i.e. the National Congress Party (NCP), to deploy and lead the efforts to lay the new foundations for national unity. This, however, is not and should not be the sole responsibility of on the NCP; the collective political movement has a share in the responsibility, for it is not confined to the body politic of the political parties; rather, it is the body politic of the whole country.

The degree of inclusion is one criterion by which the sincerity and effectiveness of the national unity efforts is measured. In this regard, it seems that a modicum of success has already been achieved. But inclusion must not be judged solely on the basis of the participation of political parties. There are other vital sectors of society, like the intellectuals, the youth, professionals and women who must also be seen to have an appreciable share in power.

Success of national unity efforts will also depend on the adoption of a national consensus program. There is of course no short supply of issues over which parties can keep wrangling for many years to come. To avoid that, the national parties should focus on drafting a national agenda, and broaden the base of national debate.

Achieving national consensus will depend on the creation of a common political culture. Perhaps the most useful effort the political parties can engage in, in order to contribute to the creation of such culture, is to begin by addressing their own shortcomings. The adage: “There is no democracy without democrats” is true and the parties need to reevaluate their democratic mettle. In the majority of the political parties democratic traditions are fickle. Institutionalism is lacking and the parties rely for their existence, almost exclusively, on the genius and personal talents of their almost immortal leaders.

Political Parties also suffer from dire financial constraints with no transparent or steady revenues, which again make them dependent on the pecuniary skills of the leader. As a result, party finances are opaque and not subject to accountability.

Many of the parties suffer from generational gaps, with the older generations refusing to give way, leaving the younger generation with no option but to withdraw or push to dislodge the old guard.

As a consequence to weaknesses in parties, rival forms of association have flourished. Tribalism, sectarianism, and regionalism have become the favoured form of association that can bring with it not only political gains, but also much needed protection. Civil society organizations, on the other hand, are beginning to assume some of the functions previously preserved to political parties.

If these issues are not addressed, it would be difficult to nurture a common political culture and a shared value system at a time when unbridled distrust between parties persists.

Yet, there is a silver lining: events in the region –the Arab Spring in particular – have given an impetus to the cause of democracy. In the past, it was generally held that the so called ideological parties have conspired against democratic regimes, in favour of their own parochial views on government and society. This may be changing – there are now unequivocal statements of adherence to democracy by all, including the rising Islamist parties, which will go a long way towards stabilizing and entrenching democracy in the region and in Sudan.

Institutionalization of the state

The colonial authorities have laid the foundations for three modernizing institutions: the educational system, the civil service and the armed forces. The three have influenced politics in various ways, and in the process have become influenced by it. However there is consensus, at least in theory, that the three institutions should remain above politics.

Among the three, the army has been the most influential. Ever since the first coup replaced the first multi-party government in 1958, this issue has been heatedly debated. Today, it remains for the constitutional process to debate and resolve. It is apt to note that for some the real threat has never been for the army to assume control; rather, it is for the army to lose control over the country. The insurgencies that have plagued the Sudan since independence testify to that. This is not an argument to justify the subordination of the civilian to the military, but it reflects the complexity of the issue and validates the point of view of those who claim that the army has been excluded from the decision-making process even in matters pertaining to the military.

Assurances have repeatedly been made by political parties in support of an institutionalized state that transcends tribe, sect and region. In practice, this has shown to be elusive. Examples can be cited where, in many instances, those primary affiliations counted more than personal merit.

The independence of the Judiciary has always occupied centre stage in the political debate. The Sudan has an independent judiciary, but certain issues remain unresolved. One of these relates to the competency of investigation and interrogation which is now invested in the Attorney General, who is at the same time the Minister of Justice and a member of the Cabinet. Some argue that such competency should be independent or become part of the independent Judiciary.

Whereas the state must be shielded from the influence of political parties, the parties also need to be protected from the heavy influence of the government. Interestingly, this, in a way, resembles the debate over the issue of separation between Church and State that raged in 19th century Europe. The point highlighted by the proponents of separation was the need to protect the Church from the State and not vice versa.

The policy of the Condominium Government to surreptitiously encourage and bankroll competition between the three main religious sects is well-documented. More than half a century after independence the legacy continues. Indeed, in a statist economy where the private sector is weak, the tendency would always be for the parties to fall back on government handouts, which would no doubt impinge on their independence. The issue needs to be further discussed even if such discussion were to lead to a system of government financing of political parties with one proviso: that state funding should be equitable and transparent.

The External Dimension

External influences on Sudan have existed throughout history. Ramses II of Egypt, Ezana of Axum (Ethiopia), or even the Sultan of Wadai (today’s Chad), all sought to conquer or dominate Sudan. The game was played in both directions. Whether it was Taharqa the Kushite holding sway over Egypt, modern-time Ethiopian revolutionaries, or Chadian rebels rising against their rulers, the Sudan is implicated.

More recently, the two states of the Condominium (Britain and Egypt) have tried to influence politics through identifying with one or the other of the traditional sects. In all elections since independence, claims of funneling money into the country by foreign countries vying for influence have been made, though never substantiated. Nowadays, the influence exerted by international powers, regional and international organizations, and activists manipulating civil society movements cannot be overstressed.

This readiness to interact with external factors can be used to Sudan’s advantage. In its troubled relationship with Western countries, Sudan has looked for solidarity within the African and the Arab nations. The support it has received means that Sudan will continue to fall back on these nations by consolidating cooperation and integration with them. Lately, the AU has established a strong presence in Sudan and the Sudanese positively view the efforts of President Thabo Mbeki, leader of the African Union High Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP) and his colleagues, President Abubkar and President Buyoya. The efforts of the predominantly African mission UNAMID, led by the experienced African diplomat Professor Gambari, are also well appreciated.

A few countries in the region have already achieved some degree of economic integration with the Sudan, namely, Egypt, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Chad. Today, one can travel by car from Khartoum to Addis Ababa, Asmara or even Cairo; efforts are underway to connect Ndjamena with Genina. These countries will remain of major importance to Sudan, as well as the Central African Republic and Libya, once it has settled down.

The nascent nation of Southern Sudan will undoubtedly be the most important neighbor for decades to come. Southern Sudan has the longest border with Sudan (about 2100 Km). These borders are inhabited, on both sides, by tribes that have either coexisted or fought among themselves for the past few hundred years. Relations between these populations are defined by views on land ownership, competition for resources, as well as cultural notions.

The SPLM, which has uncontested control in Southern Sudan, views itself as a liberator, which explains why its leaders continue to show hostility towards the North, at the expense of some of their most vital interests. Whether this will be a long or short-term trend will depend on developments within the South. A wiser option for the South would be to put its interests ahead of its ideological fervor and appreciate the fact that its relationship with the North is more important, and indeed enduring, than with any other country. The long-term interest of the South lies with the Sudan; there is more mileage for it to gain from cooperation with the North than from a policy of confrontation. Until the South figures out its options, the Sudan will continue to forge stronger ties with its other neighbours.

On the international scene, there are no signs of an imminent rapprochement with the United States, primarily because of a lack of will on its part and a tendency to renege on promises and commitments it has repeatedly made in the past. The US is losing its leverage on Sudan and may, in the context of the upcoming elections, be left with the facile option of joining the anti-Sudan activists, which would further estrange the Sudan.

Relations with the European Union, though less strained, are not showing signs of improvement, with a few exceptions among individual countries. This is primarily due to the fact that Europe has chosen to make the International Criminal Court an issue of prime importance in defining its relationship with the Sudan. This rather uncompromising position on a controversial issue has alienated the Sudan, and provided fodder to those who insist that there is not much to gain from relations with Europe or the US as long as they keep the Sudan in the impossible position of ‘Damned if you do, damned if you don’t’.

Sudan has successfully explored and tested other options. The Sino-Sudanese model of economic cooperation is well known. China now has a major presence in Sudan and is spreading in the rest of Africa. India and Malaysia are also important economic partners with Sudan. Emerging medium-sized powers, such as Turkey, Brazil and South Africa are increasing their political and economic cooperation with the country. In addition, Arab countries (particularly Qatar) are becoming major investors.

In Search of a Wider Definition of Justice

The demand for justice has been a constant feature in the programs of political parties, whether those who have operated peacefully, or those who have taken up arms. The issue has at times been conflated with ethnic or regional issues. The most celebrated example is the New Sudan project launched by John Garang in 1983, which was initially posed as a progressive and egalitarian doctrine, but rapidly degenerated into a separatist ideology.

The tendency to exploit the issue notwithstanding, the demand for a just and impartial state will continue to shape the political landscape for a long time to come. The demand might be used to cloak ulterior motives by some, but the quest for justice within the growing middle class will see to it that the issue will genuinely become a central one in Sudanese politics.

The relationship between the periphery and the centre will continue to dominate the political debate. Many see such a relationship as critical to the maintenance of justice and therefore political stability. The political scene will witness an active interplay between the centripetal forces, favouring the integration of the country and the centrifugal forces favouring disintegration. Some critics are already pointing to the shortcomings of decentralization that was first ushered in by Ja’afar Numeiri, arguing that a more centralized state would be more accountable and less partial.

The urban population has its own view of justice. Being mostly educated middle and lower-middle class, its prime concern is economic justice. Unlike in the past when politics in Sudan was primarily defined by political issues such as independence from colonial rule or union with Egypt, the politics of today will be dominated by socio-economic issues, central among which will be the questions of employment, socio-economic development and poverty eradication.

The Way Ahead

From outside, Sudan has a notorious image and its problems appear irresolvable. Yet, the difficulties and challenges facing Sudan are only matched by the opportunities available to it. The geography, the resources –both natural and human, the political experience, and the cultural affinities that bind Sudan to many of its neighbours all combine to give Sudan a lead role in the region and Africa in general. There is a deep-seated conviction among the Sudanese elite that it is precisely for this reason that Sudan has been demonized by some superpowers and denied its rightful place. Regardless of the validity of such claim, Sudan has a role to play in Africa.

Sudan’s relations with its neighbours, with the exception, for now, of Southern Sudan, have improved; even a qualitative shift towards economic integration is noticeable. Such integration would not be based on nationalist or irredentist ideals; rather it would be founded on a common economic and security strategy. The success of such a small experiment would provide some compensation for the separation of Southern Sudan, create a more stable region, and present a model for other African countries to emulate.

It is fair to say that at present Southern Sudan, with its ideological outlook, does not fit into this scheme; but it is easy, for those who know the Sudan well, to realize that the current state in the South is transient. The geography and demography of Southern Sudan may have been exploited in the past, aided at times by colonial policy and failures of national governments, to encourage a secessionist project. There is however a more determinist trend among the Southern Sudanese towards cooperation with the North. This is especially so in the northern parts of Southern Sudan. The destiny of the North and the South is to cooperate and ultimately find a way to integrate. The sooner the pragmatists in the South have the upper hand the more expressed this trend would become.

Sudan would not be qualified to lead any such role unless and until it has addressed its internal challenges. This brings to the fore the need to forge a robust and durable national unity based on a consensual constitution. The scope of the new constitution should be wide enough to include putative issues, like decentralization and power sharing, as well as new issues, such as socio-economic development, relations between the centre and periphery, and a wider definition of justice. Such issues would be impossible to address and resolve except in the context of political reform. But, as pointed out earlier, political reform is impossible to carry out in the midst of war. It is therefore necessary to help Sudan get rid of its wars. The international community and the West in particular need to act more responsibly towards Sudan.

Reform from within and support from without would help to weed out causes of armed insurrection, which would in turn create a better atmosphere for reform. This is why the ‘Arab Spring’ is viewed positively, contrary to the common impression among many who see Sudan as the next target for the Arab Spring. The rise of the Islamists in several Arab countries, and in Turkey before that, should reassure the Islamists who are in power in Sudan that a democratic system can work in their favour.

I am not a fan of the term recently coined in Sudan, namely, ‘The Second Republic’ for one good reason: when republics change systems of governance, they usually also change hands and a new team of leaders is put at the helm. However, the implication that the state needs an overhaul to create a viable system and give it a fresh start is correct. Sudan can be considered as an emerging nation with all the promise and dangers of a new birth. To attend to the needs of this new birth, efforts of all the Sudanese and their friends are needed. Ensuring that there is a positive outcome for such a process is a challenge that faces not only the majority party, but the entire political class in Sudan. 

By Mogga, S J

The background of  this Ghazi Salahudin Atabani is “mouth piece of the government of Sudan, and adviser of the government of Sudan” as he clearly puts in his profile.
Reading his paper is only reading a propaganda and nothing else. He is never a balanced person if he wants to think he is an academic or intended gain an academic credit to his profile by such a presentation. In no way and if am an opponent can I accept that.
No way. In no way his history in “historical narrative” as applied in analyzing the situation in challenges facing Post secession Sudan, can be even fairer towards the the New Republic of South Sudan which is no more part of Sudan to concern him now and he felt free to his audience who became “dust bins” at the receiving end of his junk information.
Junk why, He blatantly accuses the south as the aggressor of the North by his attitude problem towards the south leading to selection of the negative adjective “hostile attitude of the South towards the North Sudan” . This is even if, the South is not his concern at any moment post Secession except perhaps for the South of North Sudan which has same problems of marginalization and therefore a mirror image of the South South Sudan in the previous Republic of the Sudan.
 He wrote Quote,
“In Sudan, the conflict in the South has further compounded the efforts to realize independence and form a stable and functional state. It is to be recalled that, pursuant to colonial policy, Southern Sudan was screened off from the North, which resulted in the South developing, not only a different identity, but also a hostile attitude towards the North. This was to be the most important defining element of Sudanese politics from Independence till Secession”.
He went on to write that,
Secession of the South means not only that Sudan has lost one fifth of its land mass and one third of its population, but also that its geopolitics has changed. Despite these sacrifices, the most important goal, i.e., peace, has not been achieved and the two nations created by the partition are teetering on the verge of war“If not for morbid element suggesting an epidemic practice among them, and as if appealing to un educated folks, the mere misrepresentation which is actually a falsification of data by such a character is by any means his habitual way of justifying claims. Any primary school pupil about to learn division and multiplication given a pawpaw (here denoting the Sudan), and asked to divide it into 5 equal parts, can can come out with a different conclusion that, any one fifth of the pawpaw (represent land area) is not equal to land mass of south Sudan at all.

To confirm just this simple fact is easy. Doing this alone can disqualify him. If a historical paper meant for a learnt audience should contain only facts, not political rhetoric with cooked or biased data, then he has absolutely not only failed himself  but his intention. It can never fail to be taken to mean or to convey the a political message to his audience. If he had in mind and probably to market Sudan in some way of demographics for some current benefit(s), he could be seriously  challenged and his arguments, as his paper, just empty. This means, that, reading any document from such an author in future or quoting him would be fatal to injure anyone “innocent bystander” who quotes him.

By a way of proof, I did a search on the land mass or land area of South Sudan and found out that it is actually more than a third of the total land mass of Sudan (not a fifth as claimed). If corrected to nearest figure, South Sudan is actually 40% (2/5) of the whole Sudan.

And if one includes the whole area of arbitrated Abyei, according to the AAP (Ayei Arbitration Protocol) results, then Kafia Kingi, and other disputed territories that are part of the South but still claimed by the north, the land mass of South Sudan can actually be more than a third of the whole Sudan but about 45% (9/10)!


  • If Sudans total land area (including South Sudan) amounts to some 2 510 000 km². About half of this land is suitable for agriculture, of which about 170 000 km² .

(Search for the information on the land mass of South Sudan and find answers
As the question )

What is the size of South Sudan is square kilometres?

South Sudan is 647,095 sq km. It is the 42nd largest country in the world slightly smaller than Afghanistan.

If South Sudan is 647,095 km², and whole Sudan is 2 510 000 km² , so by simple division of the land area of whole Sudan by that of the South Sudan (2 510 000 sq km²/ 647,095 sq km²) gives tha land area of South Sudan  = 3.87887km² 647,095 sq km²

It can therefore be proved as above that, the Sudanese Mr. Senior Politician, Atabanis presentation  was loaded false data and cannot be any more authoritative nor relevant on any thing regarding South Sudan at all to who ever be his audience or later readers. He simply aims at scoring some political game in a relevant high profile Institution but with irrelevant facts. He  may earn himself a profile, but those with clear conscience can only regard that as a favor to a non eminent presidential hopeful, biased historian without orientation to facts in his game of Politics of Political misrepresentation of South Sudan.

One time in the University of Bergen – Norway, 2006? at a historical meeting on Sudan,  among which many things including History, the war in South Sudan, Darfur and mandate of the UN peace keepers, Oil exploration matters, the Role of Canadian company and the Swedish Lundin other matters, History etc, many participants including Africa Confidential journalists, a certain Petroleum rights so so? team, and among us, some of our own invited were Ass. Professors Drs. Ben Yongo ‘Bure (USA) and Amir Idris (USA), both of whom presented papers, this same man and other Arabs from the University of Khartoum , History department and others, a Post graduate Egyptian student working on Sudan history from American University of Cairo, Professors of History at the University of Bergen, also  started his/their mis representation of the history of Sudan.

While both Drs. Ben Yongo and Amir Idris argued well on their discipline, important among which I remember was discussion of the vision of the SPLM in post colonial shaping of Sudan in precise critiques of the Arab (esp. NCPS) political domination in post colonial Sudan. There was also I remember a critique on Islam as the state religion and the basis of the  constitution  and public laws of the Sudan; Arabic as the official and national  language  of the Sudan; and Arabism and Islam as defining factors in national self-identity chipping in the idea that monopoly of Events in Sudan by the Arabs while ignoring the role played by Africans, previous Juba Conference manipulation (not even included in modern History of Sudan taught in Schools in Sudan), Adis Ababa time players, and now or the current (SPLM) political uprising. Projected by the pro SPLM supporters in the meeting including the current responder was a view that,

  • The SPLA/M through the notion of new Sudan  attempts  to  de-racialize  the postcolonial state in the Sudan
  • The foundation of the state of Sudan as based on Arab and Arabs contribution to the Independence was wrong.
  • The marginalization of the south, Slavery and slave trade as well as annexation of the land of the South Sudan without its people to the map of Sudan, forced Islamization, the revolt in Torit and subsequent invasion of the South by the North, to change its demographics, religion and culture was pre planned.
  • Much can be omitted in the long and big bitter history but it here suffices to say that, the Arabs, who are immigrants, (by the way they are congenitally deformed liars, and arrogant haters of the people of the Africans in Sudan)  through out history of the Sudan are the invaders, the hostile people towards the indigenous populations.
We argued post conference that, the misrepresentation by rewriting a Political History of the Sudan was committed with gross negligence of the serious contributions by the the peoples of the south (Anya Nya, pre and Post Independence Southern parties and Southerners), including the very SPLM and SPLA.
The Sudan Army had become a party army so they should should be disregarded as a national army or else the the role of the SPLA enters into the national history of Sudan by default. That the old land of Kush, the history of Kingdoms be well written but not omitted. We argued about Khartoum which they had named as an Arabic word but in fact it is a Dinka word Kiir tum, meaning the elephant trunk or where two rivers meet?
Many other things were discussed including the naming of many places, counties, land marks, rivers, hills, mountains etc in the South Sudan in Arabic. Their aim the responder argued in war lile argument that, the aim was to make way for laying a documented claim that the Arabs had long been in Sudan including south Sudan, eon years ago and that they named or brought civilizations to the South inclusive.
This stated, there is reason to logically conclude that:
There is all time intention to Institutionalize biasness politically.
To exclude others and portray these others “the Ingenious populations of THE Sudan” as passive by standers in the making of the History of the Sudan
Caught pants down by the presence of the others, “Those concerned indigenous others” these type of people including the Mr. Senior Presidential Political, needs to be ashamed publically and when in the conference, at the Questions time, any one of we the indigenous Sudanese peoples, (including the southerners, Nubas, Blue Nile Ingessna People, The Darfurians) all have to wake up rise to the occasion challenge them very well. If one has a way of proving them wrong or lay facts to their claims out of recall memory, no one should swallow their rubbish as information with facts. To me his paper was tissue paper (for garbage of politics) of politics aimed at proving the South Sudan wrong and aggressive otherwise responsible for the challenges where as the opposite is really true
That was poor Atbani, Mr. Senior Presidential Political adviser going bananas!

Mogga, S J

South Sudan oil shutdown leads to massive job losses

Posted: March 2, 2012 by PaanLuel Wël Media Ltd. in Junub Sudan
Tags: , ,

For Mr Gatwec Lul, this year simply started on the wrong footing. Three days after a grinding mill he used to supplement his income broke down; he was notified that his job at the oilfields in Unity state had become redundant.

Gatwec, 42, said he worked in Tharjath as a manual labourer, assisting technicians to move equipment; a job that has supported his six-member family since 2006. With the shutdown in South Sudan’s oil production, Gatwec says the future looks bleak. “It will be too difficult. Where can I begin without the job?”

Gatwec stays at Bentiu, the capital of Unity state, where about 40 per cent of South Sudan oil exports were being produced before the shutdown. He was relieved of his job alongside over 100 other Sudanese working in the fields.
“There is nothing for them to do because the shutdown is complete,” said Mr William Garjuang, Unity State’s minister for Environment.

“A few remained to take care of companies’ properties,” the minister said.
In Palaug oilfields in Upper Nile state, where oil giant Petrodar holds concessions that were producing over 60 per cent of South Sudan’s oil, James Buoth fears that he could soon be sent packing. He works as a cleaner in Palaug centre. It is from this job that Buoth, 38, raises money to feed his 11–member extended family.

“My worry is there may not be work for me in a few days and I have no papers,” Buoth said.
“It’s my prayer that Sudan agrees with our government. It will also be good if (work on) our pipeline can start quickly so that I keep my work,” he said.

In Palaug, the total man power is 3,000 people, according to the Field Operations manager, Bakheit Mahmoud. Out of this, 2,000 work for Petrodar and 1,000 work for associated oil drilling and service companies.

Petrodar employees are shared between Sudan and the South. For the drilling and oil service companies, the workers include different nationalities ranging from Chinese to South Africans.

Most of the South Sudanese workers are “normal labourers” while some are engineers, technicians and operators.

Following the shutdown, a significant number of the employees, both local and foreign, are at risk of losing their jobs. But unlike in Unity state, where Sudanese employees have already evacuated, a decision is yet to be made by Petrodar and the government over whether the workers should leave.

“The decision is not for Petrodar. The decision will be made jointly by Petrodar and the ministry of Petroleum and Mining — how to live in the field, give them medication,” Bakheit said.

South Sudan decided to shut down oil production last month, protesting alleged oil theft and diversion by Khartoum at Port Sudan.

Juba says Khartoum has “stolen” oil worth over $815 million since December. Khartoum admits confiscating the oil, but argues that it was paying itself in kind for previous shipments that it claims South Sudan had not paid.

Letters exchanged between oil companies and South Sudan on one hand and the government of Sudan on the other, show that Juba has been paying transit fees of between $7.4 and $5.5 per barrel.

South Sudanese officials have sought to downplay the risk of losing jobs.
“They should not actually panic,” Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth, the head of mission to the United States, said. “We are taking necessary steps to make sure that everybody is well off,” he said, referring to plans to attract investment companies — which he said would employ locals — into the country.

Returnee train departs Sudan capital for south
Contra Costa Times
By MOHAMED OSMAN AP KHARTOUM, Sudan—A 60-car train carrying 1400 southern Sudanesestranded in the north by their homeland’s declaration of independence has left Khartoum for thesouth, the International Organization for Migration said Friday.

South Sudan oil shutdown leads to massive job losses
Daily Monitor
With the shutdown in South Sudan’s oil production, Gatwec says the future looks bleak. “It will be too difficult. Where can I begin without the job?” Gatwec stays at Bentiu, the capital of Unity state, where about 40 per cent of South Sudan oil exports
South Sudan army hold 9 MPs hostage
Daily Monitor
By FELIX WAROM OKELLO (email the author) The South Sudan authorities are claiming land 15Kms into Uganda. Presidents Salva Kiir and Museveni agreed to set up a commission to resolve the dispute. Nine Members of Parliament were on Thursday afternoon 
ICC Issues Warrant for Sudan Government Official
Yahoo! Contributors Network
On the same day a Sudanese defense minister was accused of atrocities in Darfur, the US State Department decried Sudan and South Sudan border violence. Meanwhile, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton has accused Sudan’s president of trying to kill 

National Elections Bill 2012

Head Office:Kololo-Tongpiny Road Plot 41 Opposite ARC International After US 
Embassy Behind Government Ministries,Juba, Republic of South Sudan
Tel: +211955300382/+211915364531; E-mail:
Submission of SSHURSA on the National Elections Bill 2012,
The Office of the Chairperson, Legislation and Justice Committee, South Sudan 
National legislative Assembly, Juba, South Sudan
Presented By
Biel Boutros Biel
Executive Director, SSHURSA
National Lesgislative Assembly
March 1-2, 2012,
Juba, South Sudan

National Elections Bill 2012

Sudan attempts to silence opposition news coverage
New York, March 1, 2012-Sudanese authorities must halt their efforts to silence news coverage of opposition leadership, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today. Authorities have already closed three newspapers in 2012 and confiscated thousands of copies, CPJ research shows.The National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) confiscated the entire print run of the independent daily Al-Tayar on February 20 after the paper printed claims by Hassan al-Turabi, head of the opposition Popular Congress Party (PCP) and leading critic of President Omar al-Bashir, saying the NISS had bugged his office, according to news reports. Two days later, the NISS indefinitely suspended Al-Tayar on charges of “jeopardizing national security,” news reportssaid. The newspaper frequently ran investigative stories on government corruption, its editor, Osman Mirghani, told Reuters.Also on February 20, authorities confiscated the entire print run of independent daily Al-Youm al-Tali for publishing al-Turabi’s accusations, news reports said.”By closing news outlets and seizing newspapers, President al-Bashir’s government demonstrates its continuing appetite to censor critical news coverage,” said Mohamed Abdel Dayem, CPJ’s Middle East and North Africa program coordinator. “The government must immediately allow the shuttered newspapers to resume operations, and it should stop its practice of seizing every newspaper edition that carries an unflattering story.”Al-Tayar is the third newspaper to be closed in the past two months, CPJ research shows. Authorities shut down Rai al-Shaab, a daily affiliated with al-Turabi’s party, after raiding its office and confiscating its print run in early January, news outlets reported. The NISS also raided the offices of another private daily, Alwan, which had published several articles in support of al-Turabi, and confiscated its print run in mid-January, news reports said.In 2011, authorities confiscated newspaper print runs on at least 19 different occasions, CPJ research shows. In each case, the authorities waited for the newspapers to be printed and then confiscated the copies before they were distributed, thus inflicting maximum financial losses.

CPJ is a New York-based, independent, nonprofit organization
that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide.

Mohamed Abdel Dayem
Program Coordinator
Tel. +1.212.300.9018
Email: m.abdel.dayem@cpj.orgDahlia El Zein
Research Associate
Tel. +1.212.300.9017

 Sudan/South sudan: The Ticking Time Bomb

Dear all,

While the RSS is in the process to start the disarmament, communities in Jonglei are slaughtering themselves. Yesterday morning, the Murle community attack Jier, a district within Nyirol county. They came in good number with RPG-7, and many military weapons. The fighting took place while children and women were in the villages. They wounded many women and children and left 13 dead on spot. They took all cattle.
Similiarly, two days ago, they attack Uror county cattle camps and they fought with youth. They youth in Uror defeated them and killed seven Murle members. Its unbelievable for the government to disarm people who are being attacked in dially bases. If the other communities are disarmed and murle are not disarm because they are in bush, they will returned back and slaughter all Jonglei communities. The government should think of finding those Murle who are currently in Bush…..the SPLA Murle defectors.
The commissioner of Pibor has announced that there are no Murle men in the villages. A position clarification that the government should think about rather than telling people that you must bring your guns. Who will bring the guns of Murle? I think these two communities should be given a chance to do what they wanted; otherwise, inappropriate disarmament is not a solution…………….I believe after the Lou Nuer are disarm, and then the government will fail to protect them, it will be a biggest blast, and finding guns in South Sudan is simple. More options should be explored before the disarmaments. It would be a good thing to analysze the challenges that will happen after. If the Nuer, and Dinka are disarm, then Murle are not disarm well, what will happen? Let said the Murle turned against the community that were disarmed and slaughter and take their cattle, what would the other communities do?
Our government is not doing much. In Decemeber, they called the youth that the government will deal with Murle to bring 180 children from Lou Nuer community back and leave cattle to Murle. This agreement has not been fulfiled. The youth thought that there will be a dialogue between the communities before the disarmament take place. However, the approach made by our government in Juba has not been materialized as to bring the children back or mobilize Murle to accept peace. My fear is that when the Dink Bor, The Nuer and perhaps the Anyuak are disarm by the government, the Murle community will get a big opportunity to finish all these tribes. Government has a policy of “No internvention into tribal conflict.” Murle usually come close to the SPLA military camps and chase people around but the SPLA forces never intervent. So the question will always be, who will protect people from Murle?
Murle are in bush and the issue has been confirmed by the commissioner himself that “there are no men in the villages in Murle areas.” Now, they are even using a route to the area of Malakal. As soon as the disarmament finish, the Murle men will kill all people and this is the worse part of it because all civilians in the region will seek guns again within the limit time and then carry on offensive attack against the Murle. I would only love if the government try to use dialogue and delay the disarmament until the rainy season because Murle do not go to bush in the rainy season.

Madam Rebecca Garang and other officials declare assets and liabilities

JUBA, 2 March 2012 (NASS) – The Presidential Advisor for Gender and Human Rights, Madam Rebecca Nyandeng, ministers for Information and Broadcasting, and Water Resources and Irrigation, and the chairperson of workers trade union declared their assets and liabilities to the South Sudan Anti-Corruption Commission yesterday.
The declaration was made at the commission’s headquarters in the presence of its top officials.

Madam Rebecca receiving her compliance certificate.
[Photo: Ajang Monychol]
After receiving the certificate of confirmation, Madam Rebecca Nyandeng said this is the time she has been waiting for because the South Sudanese need to know how the national resources are being used.
Madam Nyandeng stated that she filled all her income, assets and liabilities clearly on the form mentioning that it is all about the money she got as compensation from the plane accident that kislled her later husband and national hero Dr John Garang de Mabior.
She also condemned the rumours circulating around the country about the ownership of White Bull Company. She declared that it is not hers adding that if she is to do something for South Sudan it will not be through a beer company.

Dr Marial receiving his compliance certificate.
[Photo: Ajang MOnychol]
Meanwhile the minister for Information and Broadcasting, Dr Barnaba Marial Benjamin urged all the ministers and top officials of the government to be transparent in the exercise saying everybody should be accountable.
At the same time, the minster for Water Resources and Irrigation, Paul Mayom Akech asserted that they will assist the commission take tougher decisions to reduce corruption vowing that they did not fight to embezzle public funds.
On his part, the chairperson of the Anti-Corruption Commission, Justice John Gatwech Lul announced that whoever fills the form without declaring all the assets and later discovered will forfeit the assets which will then be transferred into government account.

Hon Mayom waits as the Commission chair reviews his compliance documents.
[Photo: Ajang Monychol]
He as well warned the target group that once the exercise timeframe expires then automatically they will issue resignation letters to those who fail to comply.
Reported by Martin Jada Gabriel, News Agency of South Sudan (NASS)

press release
Juba — The Presidential Advisor for Gender and Human Rights, Madam Rebecca Nyandeng, ministers for Information and Broadcasting, and Water Resources and Irrigation, and the chairperson of workers trade union declared their assets and liabilities to the South Sudan Anti-Corruption Commission yesterday.
The declaration was made at the commission’s headquarters in the presence of its top officials.
After receiving the certificate of confirmation, Madam Rebecca Nyandeng said this is the time she has been waiting for because the South Sudanese need to know how the national resources are being used.
Madam Nyandeng stated that she filled all her income, assets and liabilities clearly on the form mentioning that it is all about the money she got as compensation from the plane accident that killed her later husband and national hero Dr John Garang de Mabior.
She also condemned the rumours circulating around the country about the ownership of White Bull Company. She declared that it is not hers adding that if she is to do something for South Sudan it will not be through a beer company.
Meanwhile the minister for Information and Broadcasting, Dr Barnaba Marial Benjamin urged all the ministers and top officials of the government to be transparent in the exercise saying everybody should be accountable.
At the same time, the minster for Water Resources and Irrigation, Paul Mayom Akech asserted that they will assist the commission take tougher decisions to reduce corruption vowing that they did not fight to embezzle public funds.
On his part, the chairperson of the Anti-Corruption Commission, Justice John Gatwech Lul announced that whoever fills the form without declaring all the assets and later discovered will forfeit the assets which will then be transferred into government account.
He as well warned the target group that once the exercise
More South Sudanese officials declare income and assets

March 2, 2012 (JUBA) – More constitutional post holders in South Sudan declare their personal income and assets to the South Sudan Anti-Corruption Commission (SSACC) on Thursday, although like previous declarations the results were not made public.

The policy was reintroduced by a presidential decree, after the previous attempt had failed, calling on all the constitutional post holders, senior civil servants and officers from the organised forces to declare their income and assets before the 31 March. Any official who fails to submit the form before the deadline will be asked to resign.

Two weeks ago the vice president Riek Machar declared his income and assets to the commission, although his net wealth and assets have not been made public. Machar urged his colleagues to follow suit. The army’s top generals were also issued with the declaration forms and expressed their readiness to declare their wealth.

The most high profile of the latest batch of officials to declare their assets was Rebecca Nyandeng Garang de Mabior, a presidential Advisor on gender and human rights. Upon receiving a certificate on Thursday verifying she had declared all her assets and liabilities to SSACC she denied rumours that her family owns a beer company in Juba.

Speaking to reporters after receiving her certificate of declaration on Thursday, Nyandeng thanked the anti-graft commission. She said it was appropriate for officials to declare their wealth and assets so the public knew what was happening to the country’s resources.

In a statement on national television, Nyandeng explained that she filled all her income, assets and liabilities clearly. She said that most of her assets were from an insurance payout after the death of her husband the former chairman of Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), John Garang de Mabior. Garang died in a helicopter crash in 2005 just weeks after becoming the first vice president of Sudan and the President of South Sudan as part of the north-South peace deal.

Nyandeng denied and condemned the rumours and allegations that she owns the White Bull Company, which makes beer. She told state TV and radio that she did not know who owned the company, stressing that if the company belonged to her family, she would have declared it like other assets she had declared.

Other officials including minister of information and broadcasting, Barnaba Marial Benjamin and water resources and irrigation, Paul Mayom Akec declared their assets at the same time.

The declaration forms are South Sudan’s latest attempt to root out corruption, which is rife in the young country. Billions of dollars of public funds have gone missing since the SPLM took power in Juba in 2005 following a peace deal with the Sudanese government in Khartoum.

In July last year South Sudan became independent but the world’s youngest country faces a host of problems including humanitarian emergencies and security issues as well as corruption.

On Thursday the chairperson of South Sudan’s workers trade and union also joined the top government officials in declaring his assets and liabilities to the SSACC.

Meanwhile the minister for information and broadcasting, Dr Barnaba Marial Benjamin urged all the ministers and top officials of the government to be transparent in the exercise saying everybody should be accountable.

At the same time, the minster for water resources and irrigation, Paul Mayom Akech asserted that they will assist the commission take tougher decisions to reduce corruption vowing that they did not fight to embezzle public funds.

On his part, the chairperson of the Anti-Corruption Commission, Justice John Gatwech Lulannounced that whoever fills the form without declaring all the assets and later discovered will forfeit the assets which will then be transferred into government account.

There are concerns that some officials may have banked stolen money under different names, making it difficult to trace.

The SSACC boss however earlier said he was mobilising expertise from Europe and America who will employ the latest techniques of tracing and detecting “stolen” money from financial institutions around the world.


Sudanese opposition slams calls for Islamic constitution
Sudan Tribune
March 1, 2012 (KHARTOUM) — Sudanese opposition parties condemned pressures by Islamists parties and groups to adopt an Islamic constitution in Sudan after the secession of South Sudanlast July. Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood, Salafi Ansar Al-Suna, 

Lamu port project launched for South Sudan and Ethiopia
BBC News
Construction has begun on a $23bn (£14.5bn) port project and oil refinery in south-eastern Kenya’s coastal Lamu region near war-torn Somalia’s border. An oil pipeline, railway and motorway will also be built linking Lamu to South Sudan and Ethiopia.

US very concerned by Sudanese conflicts
WASHINGTON, March 2 (UPI) — Sudan and South Sudan are drifting further from commitments outlined in a 2005 peace agreement, the US State Department warned. South Sudan in July became an independent country as part of an agreement reached with 

Returnee train departs Sudan capital for south
Click here Returnee train departs Sudan capital for south Originally published: March 2, 2012 6:49 AM Updated: March 2, 2012 9:37 AM By The Associated Press MOHAMED OSMAN (Associated Press) (AP) — A 60-car train carrying 1400 southern Sudanese 
South Sudanese families return home (blog)
South Sudanese families arrive with their belongings at a train station in Khartoum on March 1 to be transported home to South Sudan. A family waits for water before being transported home to South Sudan, in Khartoum on March 1.
South Sudan: UNMISS trains army officers on human rights, democracy
Afrique en Ligue
New York, US – The UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) said it has trained South Sudanesearmy officers on human rights, democracy and the rule of law, as well as other societal issues. A UN statement, made available to PANA in New York on Thursday, 
Ethiopia, Kenya, South Sudan
NAIROBI (Xinhua) — Ethiopia, Kenya and South Sudan are expected to launch the Lamu Port project, East Africa’s largest infrastructure project, on Friday. Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki and South Sudan’s President 
South Sudan claims Abyei
by JosephEdward March 02, 2012 The disputed area of Abyei was defined as part of Warrap state in the South Sudan election bill, last week in a parliamentary session, the Minister of Justices Mr. John Luk Jok disclosed that Abyei citizens will 

Sudanese Tensions Reach Boiling Point
Arutz Sheva
South Sudan reports Sudan bombed civilian villages amid a diplomatic impasse over oil rights and the disputed Abayei region. By Gavriel Queenann South Sudan said Thursday that two Sudanese fighter jets dropped bombs Wednesday in Pariang county inside